Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 School Bullying This valuable book offers a comprehensive guide for educators in understanding, preventing and stopping school bullying. To effectively cope with school bullying it is essential to understand the issues underpinning student peer-group dynamics in the school, classroom and community, and this view lies at the heart of this book. The author presents a strengths-based approach to addressing school bullying within a systemic context, with particular emphasis given to the role of prosocial behavior. The book translates research into practice with a strong evidence-based application, and draws on the author’s experience in developing and conducting national and international school-based anti-bullying and mental health interventions. Each chapter contains practical information and research on school/classroom/ community applications, trends and issues in the field and practical ideas for implementing anti-bullying measures. Consideration is given to promoting positive peer relations in schools, the dynamics of peer groups, cyber bullying, and the nature and effects of bullying on vulnerable groups, including students with special educational needs and disabilities and LGBTQ young people. With school bullying now a matter of international concern not only to children, young people and their caregivers, but to schools and teachers at the forefront, this book will be important reading for all students in psychology, education, health and social welfare, as well as school administrators, teachers, counsellors and childcare professionals. Phillip T. Slee is a Professor in Human Development in the School of Education at Flinders University, Adelaide, Australia. He is a trained teacher and registered psychologist. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 ‘School Bullying comes at a time of increasing concern about the harmful effects of bullying on children’s and young people’s health and the increasing awareness on the right of children to be protected from bullying. This well written and engaging book presents a comprehensive guide for educators in understanding, preventing and stopping school bullying. It is very well researched, and one of its major strengths is the way it translates research and theory into accessible and practical suggestions for educators and practitioners in preventing and stopping bullying in schools. Each chapter includes practical activities like Points for reflection, Trends and issues, and Ideas for schools and classroom, and closes with Guidelines for school practice, an Activity and List of references. The book takes also a systemic perspective complimented by a strengths based approach, underling the benefits of prosocial and harmonious relationships as the antithesis to bullying. This book is an ideal text for initial teacher education courses on the promotion of mental health and healthy relationships and prevention of school bullying. It should find its way in every school library as a practical and accessible reference for school leaders, teachers, educators, and other mental health practitioners. This is THE book for anyone who wants a comprehensive, balanced, accessible, well researched but practical guide on school bullying.’ –Professor Carmel Cefai Director Centre for Resilience and Socio-Emotional Health University of Malta ‘Professor Phillip Slee is long recognised as a leading researcher in Australia and internationally in the area of school bullying. It is with pleasure that I endorse his latest book, which captures so eloquently, the breadth and depth of his contribution to understanding this phenomenon. In an easy-to-read narrative style, this book outlines and highlights key contributing factors of which the school community needs to be aware when formulating evidenceinformed policy, along with opportunities for practical reflection. It is a book which schools and educators will value as they work towards reducing bullying in their settings.’ –Barbara Spears, School of Education University of South Australia Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 School Bullying Teachers Helping Students Cope Phillip T. Slee First published 2017 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 © 2017 P. T. Slee The right of P. T. Slee to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Names: Slee, Phillip T., author. Title: School bullying : teachers helping students cope / Phillip Slee. Description: New York : Routledge, 2017. Identifiers: LCCN 2016027209| ISBN 9781138911925 (Hardback : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781138911925 (Paperback : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781315692265 (eBook) Subjects: LCSH: Bullying in schools--Prevention. Classification: LCC LB3013.3 .S57 2017 | DDC 371.5/8--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016027209 ISBN: 978-1-138-91192-5 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-138-91193-2 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-315-69226-5 (ebk) Typeset in Sabon by Saxon Graphics Ltd, Derby Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Contents List of illustrations Acknowledgements Prologue 1 Promoting positive peer relations at school vi viii ix 1 2 The dynamics of the school peer group 26 3 Traditional/offline and cyber bullying 46 4 Theories of bullying 69 5 The developmental course of bullying 94 6 School, classroom, community and bullying 117 7 Students ‘at risk’ of being bullied 142 8 Assessing bullying 162 9 Coping with school bullying 187 10 Issues in addressing school bullying Index 210 234 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Illustrations Figures 1.1 1.2 Do you want to play? Australian school students’ scores on the PRQ from Year 3 to Year 12 1.3 Pro-victim attitudes of Australian adolescents 1.4 Australian junior primary school students’ opinions about what would stop a student acting as a bystander to help a student being bullied 1.5 Australian primary school students’ opinions about what would stop a student acting as a bystander to help a student being bullied 1.6 Australian secondary school students’ opinions about what would stop a student acting as a bystander to help a student being bullied 1.7 Effects of supportive relationships on bullying and well-being 1.8 Facilitating positive interactions 1.9 The game of ‘skunk’ to help children make ‘choices’ 1.10 The P.E.A.C.E. process for conflict resolution 2.1 Constructing a sociogram 3.1 The frequency of school victimization and bullying amongst Australian students 3.2 Frequency of victimization in a sample of South Australian students 3.3 Self-reported time the victimization lasted 3.4 Safety at school by gender 3.5 Safety from victimization in primary and secondary school 5.1 Incidence of victimization according to age: students reporting being victimized ‘at least once a week’ in co-educational schools in Australia 5.2 Self-reported victimization of Australian students 2 5 7 10 10 11 15 19 19 20 37 53 55 58 59 59 95 97 Illustrations 5.3 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Students reporting they could join in bullying others – Year 3 and less 5.4 Students reporting whether they could join in bullying others – Year 4 to Year 7 5.5 Students reporting whether they could join in bullying others – Year 8 and above 5.6 Stylized facial expressions 5.7 Same sex and cross sex physical bullying 6.1 How much do you like school? 6.2 Schematic representation of the P.E.A.C.E. Pack program 6.3 A flow chart of current school practice to review anti-bullying policy 8.1 Hart’s Ladder of Participation 8.2 A primary school student’s drawings of peer relationships in the playground 8.3 How students who have been bullied depict their experience, highlighting the size and space between bully and victim 8.4 ‘You are so small, ha, ha, ha.’ 8.5 Cyberbullying is no joke! 8.6 An Indian school student’s experience of bullying 9.1 Parents’ views about who would give the most practical advice if their child was being bullied 10.1 The intervention continuum 10.2 Factors affecting program implementation and integrity 10.3 Preparing to review your school’s anti-bullying approach vii 98 98 99 100 109 119 128 130 165 176 177 178 179 180 193 215 219 223 Tables 3.1 Demographic details of the student sample from the P.E.A.C.E. Pack study 3.2 Bullying status of students 5.1 Percentages of Australian students reporting bullying others 6.1 Teacher’s checklist for student engagement 7.1 School audit tool 9.1 Brief outline of the eight lessons of the ‘Flourishing at School and at Home’ program 10.1 One high school’s differentiated approach to addressing school bullying 50 54 96 138 155 202 213 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Acknowledgements Phillip would like to thank Lucy Kennedy and Rebecca Hogg at Routledge for their kind support and encouragement in the initial stages of the project. In the latter stages, Andy Soutter and Dave Wright were key personnel in helping finalize the manuscript. I would like to thank all the unknown students, parents and teachers for their patience in completing anonymous questionnaires and interviews and for being willing to share their personal experiences and wisdom in coping with school bullying. Their courage in the face of adversity was uplifting. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Prologue Across history bullying has been a troubling feature of the human condition. It sits alongside (uncomfortably) the capacity for humans to act in kind, compassionate and generous ways. Australian Aboriginal dreamtime stories ‘The Dreaming’ is a term used by Aborigines to explain the beginning of life and how the world and its environment came about. The existence of Aborigines, their lifestyle and culture is centred on this concept. It is also important as it establishes their values and beliefs and the relationship they are to maintain with the land and its living creatures. One significant component of the stories includes rules and laws for living and the difference between right and wrong. In the story of ‘Why the Emu Can’t Fly’, the Wongutha stories tell us that in the beginning emus could fly. As recounted by O’Brien (1992): ‘They [the emus] were the biggest birds in the air and there were many of them. When they flew in their great flocks, they looked like dark clouds moving lazily across the sky’ (p. 33). The story goes on to recount that from their place high in the sky the emus could see everything. ‘The emus liked everything they saw and felt pleased with themselves.’ At this time everyone in the bush was happy and ‘The small birds shared the space in the sky and the animals moved peacefully through the bush’ (p. 35). Then the emus began to change, thinking they were the best of all birds and no one was better than them. And ‘the emus started to boast about it. The emus became nasty and mean’ (p. 35). In the dreamtime story, ‘This bullying went on for a long time, and soon the small birds lost the will to sing. The land becomes quiet. The people and the animals missed the singing of the birds and wondered why the bush was so silent’ (p. 37). The small birds tried many things to stop the bullying by the emus, including enlisting the help of other birds and animals, but no strategy was successful. Finally, the small birds approached the elder of the tribe for help and he promised to help them (‘Ngayulunhurrabaguyingagu’) and sing a special song to the emus. After the song the emus slept and upon Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 x Prologue waking found they could no longer fly because their wings had shrunk, and then they remembered the special words of the song – ‘You boastful emus, listen to me. You won’t fly again, you won’t fly again. From now on, you will only walk and run’ (p. 55). Suddenly, the emus understood the meaning of that special song the important man had sung. The small birds who saw that the emus could no longer fly began to sing and feel cheerful again. The small birds were pleased that the emus could no longer bully and boast and play tricks on them because the country was big enough for all to share. There are many such examples of bullying across cultures. Its existence is reflected in Greek myths, for example the bullying behavior of young Hercules or the victimization of Hephaestus whom the other Gods made fun of because he had a club foot. In fairytales, bullies are represented in stories including ‘Snow White’, ‘Cinderella’ and ‘The Three Little Pigs.’ The Danish author Hans Christian Anderson, in his fairytale ‘The Ugly Duckling’, portrays the duckling as bullied since the day he was hatched, and who flees his barnyard home to live among the wild ducks and geese. After many trials and tribulations he is transformed into a beautiful swan. The underlying structure of myths and fairytales frequently underscores a quest, generally presenting the reader or listener with some underlying guidelines for conducting one’s life. They touch upon universal fears, anxieties and insecurities representing ‘repositories of a collective cultural consciousness and unconscious’ (Tatar, 2002, p. xiii). They are also a celebration of human ingenuity and spirit, highlighting victory in the face of adversity. Cross-culturally, bullying has been described in literature quite extensively. From the racist and sectarian bullying the Irish were subject to in Victorian England (Swift, 1997) to the oft-cited Tom Brown’s Schooldays (1857), with the example of school bullying: ‘Very well then, let’s roast him cried Flashman, and catches hold of Tom by the collar: one or two boys hesitate, but the rest join in’ (Hughes, 1913, p. 188). In Japan, where bullying (ijime) has long been a source of study, it was highlighted during the Edo period (1603–1866) when in 1608 the O-Yomei school was established for members of the royal family. The school’s punishment policy clearly described the pattern of ijime as teachers ignored a pupil and ordered that other group members could not talk to the boy, thereby making the pupil feel ashamed and lonely (Sansom, 1981). An unfortunate offshoot of the depictions of bullying in storytelling and literature was the development of stereotypes and generalizations regarding both the victim and offender, profiling certain characteristics regarding physical strength, race, gender and self-esteem, among others, that all too frequently provided simple explanations and justifications of bullying. Most recently scientific research into the phenomenon has provided a foundation for challenging assumptions and providing an evidence base for school antibullying interventions. Prologue xi Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 The rationale for this book This book opens with a chapter on pro-social behavior – the antithesis of bullying – and this is a deliberate step. My own research and clinical background has shaped my understanding of human nature. My early Ph.D. research into the emotional life of mothers and infants, and my later studies of school bullying and well-being in young people all too frequently drew my attention to our desire and quest for positive and harmonious human relations. In the late 1980s a paper presented by Dan Olweus at a Sydney psychology conference raised for my colleague (Ken Rigby) and I the matter of the extent and nature of bullying in Australian schools. We constructed a school questionnaire and administered it to three primary schools and one secondary school, resulting in the publication of the first empirical study of bullying in Australia (Rigby and Slee, 1991). During the early 1990s I was also fortunate to spend sabbaticals in Canada, where I undertook internships in the Department of Psychiatry at Foothills Hospital working with social workers, psychologists and psychiatrists in a family therapy unit specializing in the application of systems theory. This experience of working with families and their children significantly influenced my outlook regarding psychological practice and research. The privilege of working with children and adolescents experiencing the pain of depression, anxiety, suicidal ideation, family violence and struggles with sexuality opened my eyes to the strengths and resources of individuals and families in the face of extraordinarily difficult circumstances. The book advocates for a systems-based approach to addressing school bullying, and this is illustrated with a program I developed and evaluated called the ‘P.E.A.C.E. Pack: A program for reducing bullying in our schools’ (Slee, 2001) which will be described in the book. What then began with a study of bullying in three schools in South Australia has now resulted in findings from thousands of young people and hundreds of schools, as presented in this book. Behind the statistics presented here lie the stories and voices of young people, their families and teachers who have experienced the pain of school bullying. Their stories have shaped my belief that school-based interventions to address bullying must begin from a strengths-based outlook. In this regard the book is very strongly oriented to a systems perspective that in turn emphasizes and accentuates the need to look for that which is positive in our relations with others. The smallest act of kindness is worth more than the grandest intention. Oscar Wilde xii Prologue Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 The structure of the book As noted, school bullying is now a matter of international concern not only to children, young people and their caregivers, but to schools and teachers at the forefront of addressing the matter. This text considers school bullying in the context of school family and community. It draws on my extensive experience as a trained teacher and registered psychologist in developing and implementing intervention programs and policy initiatives to address bullying nationally and internationally. The book opens with a chapter on promoting positive peer relations in schools, which is followed by an examination of the dynamics of peer groups. Chapter 3 addresses the nature of bullying and cyberbullying, and is followed by a chapter of theories providing insight into intervention programs. Chapter 5 considers the nature and effects of bullying across early childhood to adolescence. Chapter 6 considers the pivotal issue of school climate and its relationship to bullying, while Chapter 7 presents significant information on populations which are particularly vulnerable to bullying, e.g. special needs, autism spectrum disorder students and LBGTQ young people. Chapter 8 presents important information for schools and teachers on ways to collect data and information to inform their interventions and policy. Chapter 9 examines the important issue of how students cope with bullying, and is illustrated with programs developed by the author. The final chapter, written with school principals and counsellors in mind, examines the issue of bullying and the law, and the barriers and facilitators to implementing anti-bullying interventions. I owe an immense debt to the children and young people, teachers, principals and their care-givers for the insight they have provided me into our capacity to not only recognize the harm we can do to others in a bullying way but how we can proceed to redress the harm. Dedication This book is lovingly dedicated to my wife, Elizabeth and my three sons (Matthew, Nicholas and Christopher), who have all taught me more about life and living and what is worthwhile and good than I ever imagined I could experience. References Hughes, T. (1913). Tom Brown’s schooldays. London: Charles H. Kelly. O’Brien, M.L. (1992). Why the emu can’t fly. South Fremantle, WA: Sandcastle Books. Rigby, K. and Slee, P.T. (1991). Bullying among Australian school children: Reported behaviour and attitudes towards victims. The Journal of Social Psychology, 131, 615–627. Prologue xiii Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Sansom, G.B. (1981). Japan: A short cultural history. Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle. Slee, P.T. (2001). The P.E.A.C.E. Pack. A programme for reducing bullying in our Schools. 2nd edn. Adelaide, SA: Flinders University. Swift, R. (1997). Heroes or villains? The Irish, crime, and disorder in Victorian England. Albion, 29(3), 399–421. Tatar, M. (2002). The annotated classic fairytales. New York: W.W. Norton & Co. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 This page intentionally left blank Chapter 1 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Promoting positive peer relations at school Key terms: altruism; bullying; friendship; prosocial peer relations; victimization Introduction I object to violence because when it appears to do good, the good is only temporary; the evil it does is permanent. Gandhi It may seem unusual to commence a text on school bullying with a chapter on children and young people’s prosocial behavior. But it is a common observation that humans are extraordinarily helpful to others, even to nonrelatives. It also reflects my personal belief that all too often we are overwhelmed by all that is wrong with the world and all that is ‘bad’ in human nature, overlooking the good and positive things that people do to and for each other. In any text on school bullying then it seems obvious that, in facilitating coping behavior, an important place to begin is with a discussion of prosocial and altruistic helping by others. Research identifying the ‘protective’ function of ‘friendship’ and reasons students give for not helping others will be used to better understand how coping strategies can be enhanced. This chapter will provide an overview of the international research relating to prosocial behavior with biological, historical, cultural and social factors related to school bullying providing a backdrop to the discussion. The links with coping with bullying will be made in relation to how best to activate the actions of bystanders. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 2 Promoting positive peer relations at school Figure 1.1 Do you want to play? Prosocial behavior Intersubjectivity We are born to generate shifting states of self-awareness, to show them to other persons, and to provoke interest and affectionate responses from them. (Trevarthen, 2010, p. 1) As a personal observation, a few years ago I was on a plane and seated across the aisle from my wife and I was a family with two children – the youngest being a toddler. In the course of the three-hour trip I became aware of the youngest child looking over at me and ‘inviting’ me to engage with her in some way. We then began a short game of ‘peek-a-boo’ which we both enjoyed before I went back to my reading. At the end of the trip as we stood up to take our bags from the overhead locker I felt a light tap on my shoulder, and looking around saw the young child leaning her head on one side and looking to play the ‘peek-a-boo’ game again. I was distracted with managing my bags and looked away, but again felt a light tap on my shoulder. I asked the mother how old the little girl was and the mother replied ‘14 months – she is such a social little thing!’ Promoting positive peer relations at school 3 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Point of interest The very first day I met Ai remains vivid in my memory. It was a chilly day in November 1977. I went down to a room in the basement of the institute. There were no windows and no light except a bulb hanging from the ceiling. A tiny chimpanzee was sitting on a bench. I looked into her eyes. She looked back into mine. We held each other’s gaze, and what surprised me most was that she showed signs neither of fear nor of threat. In my experience with monkeys, I had learned that a direct gaze had clear aggressive connotations – a Japanese monkey would, in response, open his mouth in an attempt to threaten, or retract his lips and reveal his teeth, in a grimace that signals fear of a stranger. However, this infant chimpanzee continued to look into my eyes. I had nothing with me; no gift to give the tiny newcomer. Then, I noticed that I happened to be wearing arm warmers over my lab coat. I took off one arm warmer and showed it to her. She received it and paused for a while. Then, she suddenly pulled it up over her arm, and played with it for a while, moving it up and down along her arm. Eventually, she extended her arm and gave me back the arm warmer. I took it. All the while, she continued to look into my eyes. At that moment, she touched my heart, and I touched her future. While more developed than most animals the human infant is also more dependent, relying heavily on warm and nurturing care-giving to survive – indeed, one particular view would argue that all that the child becomes is formed by experience. As Trevarthen (2010, p. 3) notes, this view almost naturally leads to the conclusion that ‘developmental science has conceived the initial state of the human mind as lacking intentions, feelings, and consciousness. It is hardly a mind at all.’ Clearly, as Trevarthen goes on to note, this is not the case, even amongst the youngest of children. As reviewed by Slee et al. (2012) there is a substantial body of research, supported by rigorously conducted experimental and observational studies, which suggests that from the moment of birth the infant is initiating, synchronizing and responding in harmony with those around them. As a personal aside, my Ph.D. was on the nature of mother–infant emotional interaction and my findings confirmed that there is an amazing synchrony to the emotional life of mothers and their six-month-old infants. Prosocial behaviors, including helping, sharing, comforting and cooperating, have been defined as behaviors benefiting others and/or promoting positive social relationships (e.g. Eisenberg et al. 2006). It is generally understood that 4 Promoting positive peer relations at school Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 prosocial children enjoy more positive relationships with peers, advanced play skills and enhanced cooperative skills. Reflection What do you consider ‘prosocial’ behavior to be? In a review of research Ensor and Hughs (2005) argued that studies of aggressive children demonstrate that it is the absence of positive social behavior (rather than the simple presence of aggression) that leads to rejection by peers. They conclude that this highlights the importance of positive social behaviors for establishing harmonious relationships. However, the matter of developmental changes in the frequency of prosocial behavior is a source of some debate. Meta-analytic findings (Fabes and Eisenberg, 1996) indicate a general age-related increase in prosocial behavior, but longitudinal studies of very young children do not always support this view. For example, Hay (1979) suggested that the capacity for prosocial acts emerges in the second year in life and declines thereafter. What is more generally agreed is that stable individual differences in prosocial behaviors can be found from about two years of age (Dunn and Munn, 1987; Hay et al., 1999). Ideas for school and classroom What is done in your school or classroom to promote students’ prosocial behavior? Generate a list of such behaviors to display in your classroom. Prosocial behavior at school As Wentzel et al. (2007, p. 895) have noted, ‘Sharing, helping, and cooperative forms of behavior are hallmarks of social competence in childhood and adolescence.’ The following discussion utilizes the Peer Relations Questionnaire (PRQ) (Rigby and Slee, 1993) which was designed to understand student experiences with victimization at school. The questionnaire takes about 5–7 minutes to complete and comprises 20 items 5 in which students are asked to circle in relation to how often the statements are true for them. The answers range on a 4-point scale from never = 1 to very often = 4. The PRQ consists of three scales and several filler items: a Bully scale, a Victim scale and a Prosocial scale. The PRQ is a widely used instrument, which has been validated (e.g. see Tabaeian et al., 2012) and translated into several languages including Italian, Chinese and French. In the study described here using data collected by the author, a sample of 9,722 Australian school students from Year 3 (approx. 8 y.o.) to Year 12 (approx. 16 y.o.) completed a purpose-designed questionnaire including the PRQ. Data collected included (i) a range of demographic information, e.g. age and year level; and (ii) experiences of victimization where amongst other questions students reported on their experience of victimization using a 6-point scale ranging from 1 = ‘bullied every day’ to 6 = ‘never bullied.’ Self-reported data were also collected on their bullying behavior (1 = often to 3 = never). The 20-item PRQ was also completed by students collecting self-reported data on their (a) tendency to be prosocial (e.g. ‘I enjoy helping others’), (b) tendency to bully (‘I like to make other kids scared of me’), and (c) tendency to be victimized (‘I get made fun of’). Students also completed an ‘Attitude to Victim’ scale comprising three components: (i) rejection of ‘weak’ children, e.g. ‘soft kids make me sick’; (ii) approval of bullying, e.g. ‘kids who get picked on usually deserve it’; and (iii) support for victims, e.g. ‘It’s a good thing to help children who can’t defend themselves.’ The psychometrics for this scale are sound and were first reported in Rigby and Slee (1993). First, examination was made of the prosocial scale for students across years 3–12, and the findings are reported in Figure 1.2. The present findings indicated that males (MPS) were significantly less prosocial than females 16 14 12 PRQ score Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Promoting positive peer relations at school 10 8 6 4 2 0 3 4 5 6 7 8 Year level MPS 9 10 11 12 FMS Figure 1.2 Australian school students’ scores on the PRQ from Year 3 (8 y.o.) to Year 12 (16 y.o.) (n = 9,722) Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 6 Promoting positive peer relations at school (FPS) and primary school students were more prosocial than secondary school students. A consideration of developmental trends for the sample was made across years 3–12 and are illustrated in Figure 1.2. The trend line suggests that for both males and females there is a steady decline in prosocial behavior across the primary and secondary years, although females score higher than males at all year levels. The findings tend to support Hay (1979), indicating a decline in prosocial behavior across the childhood and adolescent years. Prosocial behavior, bullying and victimization Using the sample, consideration was then given to the possible association of prosocial behavior and the experience of victimization and the tendency to bully others at school. Importantly the findings showed no relationship between self-reported experiences of victimization and the tendency to be prosocial. One understanding of this finding is that victims also report being lonely and ‘left out’ and isolated (Slee and Rigby, 1993), which may in some way explain the association with low prosocial tendencies. The implications of this finding relate to the importance of peer relations for students. They also highlight the protective value of friendship (Skrzypiec et al., 2012). Ideas for school and classroom Consider the peer mentoring or peer support programs you have in your classroom or school to assist those students who may be lonely or isolated. Do they need updating or revising? Another finding to emerge from the analysis of this large-scale data set was a small but significant association between the tendency to be prosocial and students’ self-reported bullying of others in a group and bullying others by themselves such that students who were low in prosocial behavior were more likely to bully others. Interestingly, while most students indicate they do not like or support bullying, Rigby and Slee (1991) first reported that a significant minority of students report they could join in bullying another student. Smith (2014), in summarizing the limited research literature in this field, reported that ‘although sympathetic attitudes to victims predominate, they decrease from middle childhood to early or mid-adolescence. Unsympathetic attitudes may be especially marked amongst boys’ (p. 93). In the following section we further explore the attitudes of students to victims, using a large data set of Australian students. Promoting positive peer relations at school 7 As noted, a limited amount of research has examined the nature of attitudes to violence and bullying (Rigby and Slee, 1991; Hemphill et al., 2005). In a study by the author involving 1,479 year 8–12 Australian students from five schools, an investigation was undertaken into the nature of attitudes underpinning the related concepts of school bullying using an ‘Attitudes to victim’ scale (Rigby and Slee, 1991; 1993). The Pro-victim scale with 11 items had a good internal consistency with a Cronbach’s alpha of .86, which compared favorably with that reported by Rigby and Slee (1993) where it was .78. As shown in Figure 1.3, females were always more pro-victim than males, and females became increasingly and significantly more pro-victim with age. The least pro-victim attitudes were shown by the Year 9 boys but there was a trend (non significant) for boys to become more pro-victim. The discovery that girls were more pro-victim than boys is consistent with earlier findings reported by Rigby and Slee (1993). It could not be that the higher pro-victim scores of girls were because they were victimized by boys because in this sample the girls were victimized less than boys. The evidence is that there is an increase in the capacity for empathy across the early adolescent period. Amongst the males the decrease in pro-victim attitudes from Year 8 to Year 9 may be because, as Rigby and Slee (1993) have suggested, ‘normative pressures’ – i.e. to be aggressive, dominant, competitive and ‘tough’ – may peak in the Australian school system around Year 9 (13–14 y.o.), but it is heartening to see greater empathy with the plight of the victims amongst the Year 10 students. 30 29.56 29 Pro-victim scale Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Attitudes to victims 28 28 27.47 27 26 25.99 25.94 24.81 25 24 23 22 Year 8 Year 9 Year 10 Student year level Male Female Figure 1.3 Pro-victim attitudes of Australian adolescents 8 Promoting positive peer relations at school Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Ideas for school and classroom Random Acts of Kindness (RAKs) may be an interesting way to help promote pro-victim attitudes amongst students . Generally, the findings are consistent with the idea that the trajectory is for increasing empathy with the plight of victims of bullying (Hymel, RockeHenderson, and Bonanno, 2005). As Damon (1984) has noted, with age the child becomes more sensitive to the ‘general plight’ of life’s chronic victims, including the poor, the disabled and the socially outcast. This opens the way for a new domain of prosocial activity, with an effort to aid those less fortunate than oneself. The gender differences, with females being more provictim than male, confirm the research of Frodi et al. (1977). As noted earlier, the unsympathetic attitudes of Year 9 male students could be explained in terms of the increasing exposure to normative pressures that inculcate an unsympathetic attitude to the victims of bullying. Accordingly, as Askew (1989) has noted, the rules, norms and roles to be followed in schools are stereotypically male ones. That is, it is seen as desirable to be dominant, competitive, ambitious, aggressive and never to show emotional weakness. In Australia, research within sociological and feminist frameworks and in the educational literature has highlighted the importance of broad cultural influences, such as male–female power differentials, on boys’ victimization of girls, especially through sexual harassment (e.g. Gilbert and Gilbert, 1998; Shute et al., 2008). Rigby (1997) has speculated that boys may bully to impress girls; it is also possible that they aim to impress other boys. In considering victimization of girls by boys, sexual harassment may seem an obvious issue, especially in the early high-school years, when girls may be particularly sensitive to victimization based on their developing bodies and sexuality. It has been noted that: … this does suggest that most aggression and bullying research has not sufficiently highlighted the essentially sexual nature of boys’ victimization of adolescent girls. (Shute et al., 2008, p. 486) Indeed, even in preadolescence, a relationship has been found between girls’ perceptions of sexual harassment and their body esteem (Murnen and Smolak, 2000). Bretherton et al. (1994) suggest that boys are socialized to believe they have power over females and have observed that even young boys sometimes Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Promoting positive peer relations at school 9 use sexual aggression against girls and women. Martino (1997) interviewed Australian adolescent boys about their views of masculinity, and concluded that status is conferred by peers on boys who display a particular type of heterosexual masculinity which involves denigrating ‘anything that smacks of femininity’ (p. 39). Martino noted that such social and cultural practices limit the personal choices of both sexes. The sexual harassment literature is a separate one and, in stark contrast to the individualistic approach of the aggression/bullying literature broad societal influences are seen as central. The importance of gaining an understanding of boys’ perspectives is essential, since male attitudes to violence contribute to resistance to preventive initiatives (Artz and Riecken, 2001). Bystanders It is now understood more clearly that the issue of bullying is really about relationships. Simplistically, a great deal of research has focused on the relationship between perpetrator and victim. Now it is understood that the relationship also incorporates the bystanders who witness the bullying, and that these bystanders have a very active role to play in encouraging or discouraging the bullying. More broadly still, the relationships extend well beyond the school bounds to embrace the family and the wider community. One way to understand why bullying has attracted so much attention in the last few years is to consider the issue from a relationship perspective. Bullying has always been with us, but it is only now that the national and international community is beginning to voice its collective concern that it is an unacceptable aspect of human relationships. In the following discussion consideration is given to what Australian school students say would stop them from helping a student who was being bullied. The sample comprised 5,529 students ranging in age from 5 to 16 years with a mean age of 11.1 years, with 46 percent being female, from 36 schools (public, private and Catholic) from around Australia. The data (non representative sample) was collected by the author. The students responded to the question ‘What would stop you from helping a child who was being bullied? Figure 1.4 shows that amongst the youngest Australian school students, aged 6 years or less (junior primary) their strong belief is that the teacher (48.7 percent) should put a stop to any bullying that occurs, followed by a fear of being picked on in return if they do attempt to intervene (20.2 percent). Figure 1.5 shows that compared with the youngest Australian school students, while primary school students aged 6–12 years still believe that the teacher should put a stop to any bullying that occurs, there is an increase in the number fearing that they will be picked on in return if they do attempt to intervene (31.6 percent), and an increase in the number believing that it is ‘none of my business’ (24.6 percent). 5.6% Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 8.9% 16.6% 48.7% 20.2% Teacher should stop it None of my business Student should defend him/herself Fear of being picked on Some other student should stop it Figure 1.4 Australian junior primary school students’ opinions about what would stop a student acting as a bystander to help a student being bullied 6.9% 8.8% 28.1% 24.6% 31.6% Fear of being picked on Teacher should stop it None of my business Some other child should stop it Student should defend him/herself Figure 1.5 Australian primary school students’ opinions about what would stop a student acting as a bystander to help a student being bullied Promoting positive peer relations at school 11 2.9% Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 10.7% 59.2% 15.8% 31.4% None of my business Teacher should stop it Some other child should stop it Fear of being picked on in return Student should defend him/herself Figure 1.6 Australian secondary school students’ opinions about what would stop a student acting as a bystander to help a student being bullied An examination was then made of Australian secondary school students’ beliefs about what would stop them from helping a student who was being bullied. Figure 1.6 shows that, compared with the youngest Australian school students and primary school students, the biggest factor influencing secondary school students aged 13 years or more was the belief that ‘it is none of my business’ (59.2 percent) followed by a fear of ‘being picked on in return’ (31.4 percent). Bystander/defender behavior Overall, the findings outlined here clearly show a developmental trend in students’ attitudes to helping another student who is being bullied. Most notably there is a significant linear increase in students reporting that it is ‘none of my business’ from 16.6 percent to 59.2 percent and a somewhat smaller increase in ‘fear of being picked on in return’ from 20.2 percent to 31.4 percent. There is a decrease in the belief that the ‘teacher should stop it’ from 48.7 percent to 15.8 percent. From a social psychology perspective the ‘bystander effect’ is a longresearched topic. Those attempting to explain why others do not assist people in danger or in emergency situations have proposed a number of explanations, including a breakdown in the ‘moral fabric of society’, ‘dehumanization’, or ‘anomie.’ The social psychologists Darley and Latane (1968) noted that in an ‘emergency situation’ people may not assist for any Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 12 Promoting positive peer relations at school number of reasons, including fear of physical harm or public embarrassment. Their Situational Decision Model of Bystander Intervention suggests that victim distress awareness triggers a situational analysis based on the presence of others and how the witnesses think these others present want them to react. Their research showed that the more people who were present at an incident, the less likely or the more slowly a bystander would intervene. An alternative model, the Cost-Reward Model (Piliavin et al., 1981), proposes that distress awareness triggers an evaluation of the costs and rewards of (non)intervention. According to the Cost-Reward model, people seek to maximize personal gains and to minimize personal losses. Certainly, as Goossens et al. (2006) have observed, as defending becomes less frequent during the transition into adolescence and outsider behavior becomes more frequent, it is important for research to focus on ways and means for engaging bystanders to intervene. Bullying as a relationship matter In considering bullying, the group context is very important. As noted earlier, from a social psychological perspective when bullying occurs most students are aware of it (Salmivalli, 1992) and, in fact, even with on-line bullying peers are typically present. Many researchers have recently emphasized the need to study bullying not only as a conflict between certain individuals, but as a more complex group phenomenon in which the social processes going on in the group are also involved. Rigby and Johnson (2005), report that 92 percent of primary school students and 97 percent of secondary school students indicated they had observed verbal bullying occurring at least once. As we have noted earlier in this chapter, these high prevalence rates do provide many opportunities for bystanders to intervene in bullying situations, but most of the time they do not intervene. Research shows that students’ responses to bullying are influenced by their appraisal of the situation and, importantly, by their assessment of their ability to manage it. Given that a large proportion of a young person’s life is spent in school and because the school experience shapes students’ lives beyond school, it is important that schools provide an environment that makes it possible for their students to thrive and to achieve, not only academically but in all ways that relate to their overall well-being. This includes the need to ensure that students feel safe at school – protected from bullying in any form. In relation to the focus of the present chapter it is argued that a young person’s enjoyment of positive relationships at school contributes a great deal to their well-being and mental health. Bullying at school has a debilitating psychological impact on victims (Juvonen et al., 2000) and bodes ill for future productive interpersonal relationships between bullies and others. Bullying also has an impact on the school as a productive and effectively functioning social system where Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Promoting positive peer relations at school 13 students (and teachers) can feel safe and thus able to learn both academically and socially to their full potential. Schools are vested with a responsibility to support students’ learning (see Chapter 10 for a discussion of the legal responsibility of schools to prevent bullying). For example, in Australian schools, learning is now envisaged to extend beyond achieving academic proficiency in subject content knowledge and skills to include national-level support for the development of social and emotional well-being outcomes. It is important therefore to consider how issues such as bullying and victimization impact on students’ academic learning as well as on their social emotional adjustment; and of particular interest here is the place of relationship variables in this mix. The friendship buffer – peers family and teachers In the context of peer relationships, considerable attention has been given to the social/emotional impact on students who are bullies and victims. It is understood that poorer peer relations are common amongst young people involved in bullying. However, friendship is an important influence for the alleviation of psycho-social maladjustment of young people (this is further elaborated on in Chapter 2). Briefly though, friends provide validation of aspirations, trepidations and interests, and contribute to a general sense of social acceptance (e.g. Hodges et al., 1999). Goldbaum et al. (2003) suggest that a vulnerability to being victimized is more likely to occur where supportive friendship networks are lacking, with victims becoming more susceptible to poorer health and depression. The number of friends held by a young person was found by Hodges et al. (1997) to be negatively correlated Trends and issues In recent years there has been a significant surge of interest in the concept of ‘mindfulness.’ Burrows (2015) has noted that ‘A broad definition of mindfulness describes it as an awareness composed of many interdependent synergistic facets inclusive of psychological, sociological, philosophical and cultural orientations and perspectives.’ Concurrently there has been a significant and growing interest in understanding children’s social and emotional competencies. Flook et al. (2015), using a randomized control trial involving young children, found that the intervention group using a ‘mindfulness’ curriculum showed greater improvements in social competence, while the control group showed more selfish behavior over time. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 14 Promoting positive peer relations at school with victimization, a finding reflected in other research where victims report that they have fewer friends than do their classmates, and are more lonely and less happy (Veenstra et al., 2005). Furthermore, Hodges et al. (1997) found that as a young person’s number of friends increased, maladjustment brought on by victimization decreased; they argue that children with better social skills are more able to make and keep friends, and such friendships may act as a deterrent to victimization, as well as a buffer against the emotional effects of being victimized. Although friendship may act as a buffer against victimization, to be effective the friendship must be of good quality. This implies that the friendship should be reciprocal, and that friends should possess qualities such as being willing and able to support each other in the face of threats from bullies. Bollmer et al. (2005) found that friendship quality played a role in reducing bullying behavior, particularly when externalizing problems were present in the potential bully. They suggested that quality friendships provide a model for good peer relations, and so reduce the likelihood that young people would engage in bullying. Research by Skrzypiec et al. (2012) demonstrated that the issue of friendship, and in particular the number of good friends reported by the different groups in this study, adds to existing research evidence suggesting that friendship may act as a protective factor against mental health difficulties. In the study it was reported that the likelihood of obtaining an abnormal total Strengths and Difficulties questionnaire (SDQ) (Goodman et al., 2000) score decreased with an increasing number of good friends for self-identified victims, bullies and bully–victim groups. Family influences as well have been investigated for their part in bullying and victimization behaviors of students (Perren and Hornung, 2005). As Rigby (1994, p. 183) noted in his research into family functioning and bullying, the findings are ‘consistent with earlier studies suggesting that family functioning is related to how children behave outside their families.’ The effects of the supportiveness or stressfulness of the student–teacher relationship on students’ learning and well-being has been reported extensively in research covering the early childhood years (e.g. Birch and Ladd, 1997), and in several studies covering early adolescence (e.g. Cattley, 2004; Murray-Harvey and Slee, 2007). Research has identified that females and males and younger and older students differ in their experience of school, particularly in terms of relationships with teachers. For example, findings from Cattley (2004) in Australia, and Klem and Connell (2004) in the United States, point to students perceiving teachers as being most supportive in the primary years, with a significant decline in the early secondary (middle) years of school. In a large-scale study (Murray-Harvey and Slee, 2007), students across years 5–9 in 22 South Australian schools reported on how well they felt supported by their peers, families and teachers and the extent to which they Promoting positive peer relations at school 15 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Less bullying Better academic performance Supportive relationships peers–family– teachers Greater social emotional adjustment Improved psychological health Figure 1.7 Effects of supportive relationships on bullying and well-being perceived these groups as sources of stress in their lives at school. The findings related to supportive relationships (see Figure 1.7) demonstrated significant relationships with reduced self-reported bullying, improved academic performance, greater social-emotional adjustment and better psychological health. The evidence from this study is that not only relationships with peers, but also family and teachers are reported by students as key sources of both support and stress in students’ lives at school. The clear message then, is that all three groups must be involved in a school’s efforts to reduce bullying and victimization, because relationships with all three groups are strongly connected to the reported incidence of bullying and victimization. Implications of prosocial behavior for schools As noted at the beginning of this chapter, prosocial behaviors, including helping, sharing, comforting and cooperating, have been defined as behaviors benefiting others and/or promoting positive social relationships. As presented in this chapter, social interactions, the development of friendships, and peer acceptance are essential for the psychological adjustment and school achievement of young people at school. 16 Promoting positive peer relations at school Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 In reviewing the research, prosocial behaviors can be grouped into a number of categories: • • • • • sharing (dividing up or giving); helping (acts of kindness, rescuing, removing distress); cooperation (working together to reach a goal); showing sympathy and kindness; taking the perspective of another person. Developing prosocial skills Slee et al. (2012) have identified a number of critical stages in the development of social skills, including: • • • • a sense of selfhood as a person separate from others; a sense of agency and being able to act on the world; the ability to empathize with the another; the ability to perform a specific skill. We now turn to a facet of prosocial behavior that has been investigated in relation to school bullying – that of empathy. Empathy The concept of empathy, which encapsulates the ability to feel for or understand another person, is an aspect of human responding that is crucial for understanding positive development. Davis (1983, p. 114) has defined empathy as ‘a reaction of one individual to the observed experiences of another’. Several researchers (e.g. Hoffman, 2000) have shown that empathy inhibits aggression and facilitates people’s socially competent interactions. Researchers (e.g. Gini et al., 2007; Hymel et al., 2005) have found a negative association between bullying and overall empathy. Researchers generally agree that empathy comprises two facets (Garton and Gringart, 2005). One is an affective capacity, which involves a response congruent with another person’s emotional state, and the other is the cognitive ability to intellectually understand another person’s perspective and feelings (Blair, 2005). According to van der Graaff et al. (2013), ‘cognitive empathy, or perspective taking, can be defined as the awareness and understanding of another’s emotion’ (p. 1), while affective empathy is associated with vicarious experiences that are consistent with what another person is feeling. Shanafelt et al. (2005) have described the difference between the two components. An individual has an emotive response to the feelings that another is experiencing when exercising the affective component of empathy, but must renounce being completely self-oriented to gain insight Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Promoting positive peer relations at school 17 of another’s perspective and the effect it has on feelings, in order to have cognitive empathy. This distinction is important, as there is some evidence presented by Sutton et al. (1999) which suggests that cognitive empathy is associated with some forms of bullying, as an understanding of others’ mental states, and possessing advanced ‘theory of mind’ skills enables some bullies to better target their victims (Andreou, 2004). Mitsopoulou and Giovazolias (2015) report the finding that both cognitive and affective empathy were related to bullying behavior, suggesting that both components can act to reduce aggressive behavior. The size of the effect for cognitive empathy and its association with bullying was quite small. Developmentally, Lovett and Sheffield (2006) claimed that there is a consistent correlation between aggression and affective empathy in adolescents but not in children. Skrzypiec et al. (2014), in a study of 1983 Australian students (F age = 13 yrs), incorporated measures of cognitive and affective empathy using the measure of empathy developed by Garton and Gringart (2005). Skrzypiec et al (2014) reported that consistent with earlier research (e.g. Sutton et al., 1999; Andreou, 2004), cognitive empathy was found to significantly predict bullying others, while the presence of affective empathy was associated with a decrease in the likelihood of bullying others. The implications of research findings relating to empathy and bullying for classroom practice are not easy to disentangle. The actual practice of teaching empathy is a complex one in itself, which may be further complicated by developmental differences in young people’s ability to empathize. If those who bully others are in fact cognitively aware and skilled enough to understand the harm they are causing and still persist with the bullying behavior, it may be quite a challenge to dissuade them of their behavior. Acting prosocially Simply described, and as noted earlier in this chapter in order to act in a prosocial manner an individual or bystander must first (i) note whether someone needs assistance or not, (ii) evaluate whether to assist, and (iii) act to intervene. However, as noted, social-psychological research has identified a number of inhibitors that act to reduce the likelihood of helping another in need, and a school would have to consider these in developing programs to reduce bullying. Thus at a group level the bystander effect is influenced by factors such as whether the values and attitudes in place, e.g. school environments promoting ‘masculine’ attitudes of ‘toughness’, may inadvertently encourage unsympathetic attitudes to a victim. Gender roles which are played out may encourage the view that it is OK for males to be aggressive to females. There are also individual factors that play a role. Shute and Slee (2015), in their text on child development theories, discussed information processing principles and their adaptation to Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 18 Promoting positive peer relations at school understanding social relations. They described the work of Dodge and colleagues (Dodge et al., 1990), who examined children’s social adjustment using an information-processing approach. Thus the child is seen as confronting a particular problematic situation, such as solving an interpersonal conflict with another child, via serial cognitive processes that allow her to generate effective responses. Dodge proposed a number of sequential steps: encoding, which refers to the individual’s ability to attend to and perceive social cues; interpretation, or understanding the meaning of the cues; response generation, in order to ascertain which response is most applicable, from a repertoire of responses; response evaluation; and enactment of the chosen response A breakdown in cognitive processes at any point can lead to conflict and may help explain bullying behavior. Summary In this chapter we have considered the nature of young people’s prosocial behavior and examined its association with bullying and attitudes to the victim. We have opened the book with this chapter because all too often research on the topic of school bullying serves to highlight the ‘darker’ side of human behavior and overlook all that is positive about our relationships with others. As we discussed, there seems to be a need in humans and animals to reach out and engage with others. We have drawn attention to the scope that exists for schools and classroom teachers to accentuate the positive and capitalize on this in order to address the incidents of bullying which do occur and enhance the coping skills of those impacted by bullying. Guidelines for school practice There are a number of practical strategies that teachers can employ to encourage the development of prosocial behavior. Facilitating positive interactions Teachers can facilitate positive school and classroom interactions for young people through the use of a variety of strategies, including: • • • emphasizing cooperation rather than competition; teaching games that emphasize cooperation and conflict resolution; setting up classroom spaces and materials to facilitate cooperative and collaborative work; Promoting positive peer relations at school Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 • • 19 using literature to enhance empathy and caring; and encouraging social interactions between children of different abilities, whether these be social, emotional, or physical. Example: ‘Ultimate Frizby’ – has simple rules including: Non-contact : No physical contact is allowed between players. Self-officiating : Players are responsible for their own foul and line calls. Players resolve their own disputes. Spirit of the game : Ultimate Frizby stresses sportsmanship and fair play. Competitive play is encouraged, but never at the expense of respect between players, adherence to the rules, and the basic joy of play. Figure 1.8 Facilitating positive interactions Helping children make choices Shute and Slee (2015) have drawn attention to the writings of Albert Bandura, who has also focused on the concept of human agency: To be an agent is to intentionally make things happen by one’s actions. Agency embodies the endowments, belief systems, self regulatory capabilities and distributed structures and functions through which personal influence is exercised, rather than residing as a discrete entity in a particular place. (Bandura, 2001, p. 2) SKUNK presents middle-grade students with an experience that clearly involves both choice and chance. The object of SKUNK is to accumulate points by rolling dice. Points are accumulated by making several "good" rolls in a row but choosing to stop before a "bad" roll comes and wipes out all the points. SKUNK can be played by groups, by the whole class at once, or by individuals . Figure 1.9 The game of ‘skunk’ to help children make ‘choices’ 20 Promoting positive peer relations at school That is, agency embraces (i) intention to act, (ii) forethought, (iii) motivation and self-regulation, (iv) self-reflection, and (v) management of fortuitous events. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Helping negotiate conflict Teachers need to help children develop negotiating skills to handle conflict situations. Students must use social problem-solving skills to resolve issues in a manner that benefits them and is acceptable to others. The first building block is to teach the students how to use the ‘I’ statement and why this is important. Basic steps in conflict resolution include: ‘P’ ‘E’ ‘A’ ‘C’ ‘E’ Preparing the students involved to actively solve the conflict. Examining possible solutions. Assessing how well the solution will work. Collaborating to try the solution out. Evaluating how well the solution worked. Class activity 1. Practice ‘I’ statements 2. Make a poster of the PEACE Process for Conflict Resolution Figure 1.10 The P.E.A.C.E. process for conflict resolution What have you learnt? 1 True/False? – Aggressive children demonstrate that it is the absence of positive social behavior (rather than the simple presence of aggression) that leads to rejection by peers. 2 The three markers of social competence in childhood are: (i) ________________________ (ii) ________________________ (iii) ________________________ Promoting positive peer relations at school Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 3 21 Research suggests that across primary to secondary school, prosocial behavior: (i) declines (ii) remains steady (iii) increases. 4 Explain the nature of the ‘bystander effect.’ ________________________________________________________ 5 True/False? – The ‘bystander effect’ increases with age. Activity Use the ‘information processing model’ to explain why a child may bully another child. 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K. and Smolak, L. (2000). The experience of sexual harassment among grade-school students: Early socialization of female subordination? Sex Roles, 43(1/2), 1–17. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 24 Promoting positive peer relations at school Murray-Harvey, R. and Slee, P. T. (2007). Supportive and stressful relationships with teachers, peers and family and their influence on students’ social/emotional and academic experience of school. Australian Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 7, 126–147. Perren, S. and Hornung, R. (2005). Bullying and delinquency in adolescence: Victims’ and perpetrators’ family and peer relations. Swiss Journal of Psychology, 64, 51–64. Piliavin, J. A., Dovidio, J. F., Gaertner, S., and Clark, R. D. (1981). Emergency intervention. New York: Academic Press. Rigby, K. (1994). Psycho-social functioning in families of Australian adolescents: School children involved in bully/victim problems. 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Developmental Psychology, 41(4), 672. Wentzel, K. R., Filisetti, L., and Looney, L. (2007). Adolescent prosocial behavior: The role of self-processes and contextual cues. Child Development, 78(3), 895–910. Chapter 2 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 The dynamics of the school peer group Key terms: peer group; social networks; sociometric; friendship; cliques Introduction The test of friendship is assistance in adversity and that too, unconditional assistance. Gandhi The peer group and social relations have provided and continue to provide the basis for a considerable body of research in developmental psychology (Slee et al., 2012). In this chapter we pick up on a number of points made in the opening chapter relating to the importance of prosocial behavior for the enhancement of well-being and for the prevention of victimization behavior. The concept of peer groups is used to refer to social relationships (other than kinship ones) that exist between young people, including group or dyadic relationships. In this chapter the dynamics of young people’s peer groups will be described. Particular consideration will be given to the assessment of the nature and dynamics of the peer group. Practical ways for teachers to assess the nature of students’ peer groups will be described. The chapter begins with an examination of the concept of children’s and young people’s networks and their friendships. Social networks As we will see in this chapter, children’s and young people’s peer relations change in systematic ways as children grow and develop, and importantly we will come to understand that they serve different purposes in children’s Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 The dynamics of the school peer group 27 lives at different ages. An important distinction is usually made between ‘close friends’ and ‘acquaintances.’ Not all social relationships occurring within a peer group are equal – they differ in strength, quality, and the way they are embedded in the broader structure of the peer group. A range of methods are used to assess young people’s friendships and will be described in this chapter, including sociometric nominations where young people typically respond to a question such as ‘List the names of three people in this class that you like to play with.’ Reciprocal liking is seen as two or more individuals nominating each other as friends. Hall and McGregor (2000) argued that mutual nominations are clear indicators of friendships. Observation of young people together in social settings can demonstrate how they are responding to each other verbally, nonverbally and physically, and show the roles they play in relation to each other, e.g. active or passive roles. Interviews with young people are a useful means for assessing relationships, particularly in terms of the amount of sharing, cooperation and helping that typifies the relationship. Later in this chapter the various methods for assessing the social networks of young people will be considered in more detail. Features of friendship Researchers such as Bukowski et al. (1996) have identified some essential elements of friendship, namely: (1) reciprocity (in a close friendship, there is a mutual agreement about being friends); (2) equality (in a close relationship, there is no dominant partner); and (3) intimacy (in a close relationship, there is a high level of self-disclosure). The nature of friendship In Chapter 1 we touched upon ‘friendship’ as an aspect of students’ school relationships. Psychologists’ attention to the topic of children’s friendships has waxed and waned since the turn of the twentieth century. In the 1920s and 1930s researchers showed considerable interest in the topic and this was followed by a long period of relative neglect and then a resurgence of interest in the 1970s. Rubin (1980) credits the lack of interest in the topic during the middle period to assumptions inherent in the prevailing psychoanalytic viewpoint concerning the primacy of the mother–child relationship. ‘Compared to this “first” relationship children’s relationships with one another were seen as being of little real importance’ (Rubin, 1980, p. 13). There is now a considerable renewal of interest in the topic of children’s friendships and their peer relationships more generally (e.g. Slee and Rigby, 1998; Glick and Rose, 2011; Brendgen et al., 2010; Slee and Skrzypiec, 2016). 28 The dynamics of the school peer group Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Functions of friendship In early research Hartup and Laursen (1993) identified four functions of friendship with implications for development, namely: (a) a context for skill learning, (b) knowledge about selves, others, and the world, (c) emotional and cognitive resources that children can access during their normal interactions and during times of stress, and (d) models for subsequent relationships. Glick and Rose (2011) suggest that friendships may provide a critical avenue for the development of important relationship skills. From a developmental perspective Sebanc (2003) has observed that friendships are also associated with some risks including risks of antisocial and delinquent behavior. Henneberger et al. (2016), in their study of peer influence and aggressive behavior in childhood, found that the presence of aggressive friends in the middle of the school year was significantly related to higher levels of aggressive behavior in individuals. What is a friend? A developmental perspective At 2 years of age my son Matthew would say ‘My friend Jack play with me?’ by which he meant could we invite the next door neighbour’s child over to play with him. In Matthew’s eyes, Jack was his friend because he lived close by and was available for play. Certainly children form friendships for many different reasons. Bukowski et al. (1996) note that the generally agreed-upon conditions marking the friendships of children and adolescents include: • • • some ‘reciprocity’ or mutual regard; some liking and a general desire to spend more time in each other’s company than with others; affection and fun. As summarized by Bagwell et al. (1998, p. 140), ‘friendship is a mutual relationship between two children in which reciprocal liking is quintessential.’ Over time, children’s concept of friendship undergoes some developmental change (Brendgen et al., 2010). • • • Younger children emphasize availability, play or time together. Middle-school children emphasize trust and cooperation. Adolescents emphasize sharing, and intimacy. The developmental features of play are described in the following section. The dynamics of the school peer group 29 Toddlers and friendship Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 An increasing amount of research has been devoted to toddlers’ development of friendships and their peer relationships (see review by Hay et al., 2004). In early research, Vandell and Mueller (1980, p. 189) have described a friendship between 8-month-old boys: The boys actively chose one another as the preferred playmates, and in their play, the two boys showed the most sophisticated play of the play group’s game. Years later when Robert moved away, he continually asked for Loren and Loren repeatedly asked for Robert. In a review of the literature by NICHD Early Child Care Research Network (2004), it was noted that by early school age, grade school peer groups have become a primary socialization context, and: • • • • • relationships predict a variety of positive and negative developmental outcomes; children differ in the communicative and interactive skills that they use; children work to establish and maintain peer relationships; children differ in the number and quality of their friendships; children differ in their acceptance by the larger peer group. Importantly the review concludes that identified individual differences in peer social competence are associated with socio-emotional adjustment and academic competence throughout childhood and adolescence. Toddler friendships involve the child not only physically but also emotionally (Howes, 1983). Howes has identified stages in the development of peer relations during the toddler period. Early toddler period (13–24 months) During this early stage, friendships are stable and involve complementary or reciprocal play (Howes, 1988). That is, toddlers have the ability to exchange turns and roles. The complementary nature of friendship relations involves the toddlers’ ability to offer (toys or food), receive (take something from another) or play hide-and-seek. To achieve such ends, a child must have the cognitive ability to assume the role of the other child (Mueller and Lucas 1975). Late toddler period (25–36 months) During this period toddlers are more flexible in their friendships in that they have a greater number of friends than previously (Howes, 1988). They are 30 The dynamics of the school peer group Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 more able to communicate meaning: that is, any two toddlers are able to share an understanding of the central idea or theme of an interaction between them (Howes, 1985). As toddlers develop cognitively they are able to distinguish between different types of friends and they are able to use symbols in interacting with friends: a stick becomes a doll, for example. Middle childhood and friendship According to Aristotle, perfect friendship was only possible between the good and one could not be friends with too many people. Other than love, no other facet of human relationships has occupied more attention in the arts, literature and the social sciences than friendship. The ancient Greeks set great store by the notion of friendship. This is reflected in Homer’s epic poem, the Iliad, in which the friendship of Achilles and Patroclus is a key element. It was grief and anger at Patroclus’s death that made Achilles return to the battle to take vengeance on Hector. In ancient Greece good friends shared each other’s fortunes and misfortunes and supported each other with complete truth and faithfulness. In the fourth century bc, the Greek philosopher Aristotle devoted a considerable portion of the Nicomachean Ethics to an analysis of friendship. [The] central core of friendship would appear to be intimacy, respect, mutual help, shared activity, confrontation. (Contarello and Volpato, 1991, p. 70) Contarello and Volpato (1991) have studied friendship as portrayed in historical literary texts through the ages and suggest that the meaning of the term ‘friendship’ has changed over time. They contrast the meaning of the term in classical times, when it denoted a voluntary and chosen bond available only to free men, with medieval France where it referred to kin showing basic family solidarity and also to lovers. Harry Stack Sullivan and ‘chums’ The psychology of H. S. Sullivan is not well known. Sullivan identifies two broad classes of human needs: 1 2 satisfaction of our biological wants, for food, sex or sleep along with the need for physical contact which is crucial; a sense of security, involving a feeling of well-being and comfort. In Sullivan’s view not only is this need for a sense of security satisfied through meeting the child’s observable needs but it could also be positively or negatively affected by un-verbalized attitudes of the caregiver to the child. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 The dynamics of the school peer group 31 Sullivan believes that the growing child’s sense of self is a function of the history of the child’s personal relationships with significant others. Sullivan emphasizes that children can be best understood through the relationships they have with their parents and friends. He suggested that establishing a close friendship is a significant developmental task for pre-adolescents. Parents are the first to help children realize they are not isolated, selfsufficient individuals, but Sullivan believes that parents can carry children only so far in their development. Friendships and the friends children have provide a whole new basis for helping children in their development. Friendship helps children develop and engenders mutual respect: it is a relationship in which each person has a chance to grow and contribute to the development of another. Sullivan identifies three broad stages in children’s friendships: 1 2 3 Between 2 and 5 years of age, children’s most important relationships are with adults, on whom they rely to meet their physical, social and emotional needs. Between 4 and 8 years children turn increasingly to their playmates as friends. From 8 to 11 years ‘chumship’ dominates. Sullivan attached a great deal of importance to the development of ‘chumship.’ During the pre-adolescent phase children are learning how to help another person grow and develop. He labeled this as ‘chumships’, whereby chums can freely express ideas, emotions and opinions without fear of retribution or retaliation. This free exchange is a precursor to the world of intimacy. Adolescence and friendship They told me, Heraclitus, they told me you were dead: They brought me bitter news to hear and bitter tears to shed. I wept, as I remembered, how often you and I Had tired the sun with talking and sent him down the sky. William Johnson Cory (1958, p. 53) As noted by Zimmer-Gemmbeck et al. (2010, p. 783), the study of adolescents’ relationships with their peers has flourished over the past 30 years. At the same time, there have been marked shifts in the orientation of peer research. In the 1970s and 1980s, research tended to focus on the importance of friendship and the social status of children and adolescents within their group of peers. Since the early 1990s, however, there has been a surge of interest in dating and romantic relationships during adolescence and emerging adulthood, and this has become a significant area of 32 The dynamics of the school peer group Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 developmental research itself. The same authors noted that new developments in understanding regarding the nature of adolescent peer groups have occurred in terms of theory development, mapping social networks and the impact of romantic relationships on peer relations. Friendship and intimacy As noted earlier the special significance of intimacy in adolescent friendship stems from the work of Sullivan (1953) who argued that interpersonal relations proceed through three developmental stages, each dominated by a particular psychosocial task (Townsend et al., 1988, p. 421). Pre- and early adolescence is characterized by the need to find a ‘chum’ (Townsend et al., 1988). As previously noted, a ‘chum’ meets the special need of interpersonal intimacy. The outcome of finding a ‘chum’ leads to enhanced self-esteem and personal adjustment. The results of the study by Townsend et al. of New Zealand adolescents has lent broad support to Sullivan’s original thoughts regarding ‘chums.’ They concluded from their study that psychological adjustment in early adolescence was more dependent ‘on having a close relationship with a peer than on being relatively popular with a number of peers’ (p. 431). They also found evidence of enhanced self-esteem in those adolescents who had an intimate friendship. This finding is consistent with Sullivan’s (1953) view that it is the nature and not the extent of interpersonal relations that is associated with personal adjustment. The nature of the peer group has been described in some detail in foundational research conducted by the Australian researcher Dexter Dunphy (1963), who commented that the socialization of the individual involves transition from the nuclear family to wider adult society, which can take place in many ways. In Western urban society, the peer group is one important avenue through which this can occur. Dunphy based his research on naturalistic observations of peer-group interaction and interviews with adolescents in Sydney. In what is regarded as a classic study in psychology, he observed peer-group interaction on street corners, in ‘milk bars’-corner stores, in homes, at parties and on Sydney beaches. He describes two types of group, namely ‘cliques’, which are small with an average of six members, and ‘crowds’, which are large and are usually composed of two to four cliques. Cliques and crowds perform different functions. Cliques are for talking and crowds for mixing, as at parties and other large social gatherings. Stage 1 In the early adolescent period, peer-group development usually involves single-sex cliques that are fairly isolated from cliques of the opposite sex. Stage 2 In stage 2 there is a move towards heterosexuality in the composition of the group. Interaction at this point is usually considered ‘daring’ Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 The dynamics of the school peer group 33 and undertaken in the security of the group. The upper status members of the group are usually responsible for initiating interaction. Stage 3 The third stage witnesses the formation of heterosexual cliques for the first time, although members maintain contact with unisex cliques. Stage 4 In stage 4, the fully developed crowd can be identified, with heterosexual cliques in close association. Stage 5 In late adolescence, the crowd begins to disintegrate and is replaced by a loosely associated group of couples. Attention then turned to understanding the broader social world of the adolescent peer group. Questions asked concern how the peer group and family of the adolescent differ in nature and what purpose each serves. From one point of view, the peer group has the important function of helping the young person in his or her transition from a family-dependent child to a relatively independent adult. A contrasting point of view is that the peer group is of questionable value in aiding the growing-up process because of its advocacy of immature values and norms. Adolescents use two reference groups – family and peers – for different purposes. The family is the primary source of reference for issues relating to finance, education and career plans, while the peer group is sought out for information relating to dress, dating and social events. Peer cliques and peer crowds Prinstein and La Greca (2002) distinguish between peer cliques comprising friendship networks, and peer crowds which are reputation-based groups of adolescents who do not necessarily affiliate with one another yet are presumed to share similar values, attitudes, and behaviors. In Australia as in many countries, amongst youth there are various names for crowds and these change with time and place, for example ‘jocks’ (sporting types), ‘swots’ or ‘geeks’ (academically inclined), ‘nerds’ (IT types) and so forth. Prinstein and La Greca (2002) suggest that such crowds may Point of interest A question which arises today is how the ways in which we communicate with each other have been transformed with the emergence of sophisticated new forms of communication technologies (CTs). These Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 34 The dynamics of the school peer group new technologies have impacted on the way young people communicate with each other. Van Cleemput (2012), using social network analysis, discovered that Flemish adolescents use different types of CTs to communicate with friends. While all media were used to communicate it was found that texting was used to maintain ‘strong ties.’ The telephone was widely used but was most strongly associated with close friendships and used more in cliques. serve a ‘developmental’ function modelling acceptable behavior, attitudes, and values, helping in the selection of possible friends and romantic partners. Friendship in the classroom As Slee et al. (2012) have noted in their overview of Piaget’s theory of cognitive development and how it proceeds, one of the least developed aspects of his theory relates to the notion of ‘social transmission.’ Piaget placed his main emphasis on the dialectic between the child and the physical world but did identify social interaction as a motivator for development. Simply put, the child in the process of socially interacting with others is frequently challenged about ideas and views held, and in the process of being questioned or challenged advances their own cognition. As such, friendships potentially have a critical role to play in providing the social context in which a child’s bullying behavior is subject to scrutiny providing the opportunity for the child to reconsider their behavior. Social skills and friendships A great deal of attention has been given to the study of social skills in adults (Glick and Rose, 2011) but it is only comparatively recently that the focus has turned to children. In relation to children the topic is important because: 1 2 3 socially isolated or unpopular children have been found to be deficient in skills such as cooperation and a positive response to peers; inadequate social skills in children have been associated with poor academic performance; children deficient in social skills have a high incidence of school maladjustment. Longitudinal research (e.g. Bagwell et al., 1998) has identified that mutual friendship in Year 5 of primary school is associated with positive life status adjustment as adults. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 The dynamics of the school peer group 35 Cartledge and Milburn (1986, p. 7) define social skills as ‘socially acceptable learned behaviors that enable the person to interact with others in ways that elicit positive responses and assist in avoiding negative responses from them.’ Trower et al. (1978) highlight some of the complexity of defining social skills and explain how social skills are acquired. They believe that social skills are developed by a combination of factors such as: • • • • • the imitation of others; reinforcement; the opportunity to observe and practice behavior; the development of cognitive abilities; some innate potential. According to Rubin (1980) friendship requires the following skills: 1 2 3 the ability to gain entry to a group; the ability to be a supportive, caring and approving playmate; the ability to manage conflict successfully, which means being able to express one’s own rights and feelings whilst remaining sensitive to the rights and feelings of others. From this brief overview it is apparent that the development of friendships is a complex and important task for children and young people. Greater understanding of the relationship between social skills and friendship would provide insight into the difficulties some children have in making friends. What seems imperative is that serious consideration be given by those who work with children to the significant role that friends play in children’s and young people’s lives. Reflection How would you describe a ‘friend’? Think about the kinds of friendships you currently have and the purposes they serve. Assessing friendships There are a number of approaches to the study of children’s and young people’s peer-group relations. The essential focus of such research has been on children’s popularity and unpopularity, on the structure and Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 36 The dynamics of the school peer group power hierarchy of groups, and on the networks that exist. One wellknown approach is based on the theorizing and research carried out by Moreno (1934). His early work, focused on sociometric groups of individuals who receive similar nominations of liking and disliking from peers in a setting such as a classroom (Bukowski and Cillessen, 1998). A second approach involves direct observation. A third approach is called social network analysis. Peer ecology To contextualize the following discussion a helpful concept coined by Rodkin and Hodges (2003) is ‘peer ecology.’ ‘The peer ecology is that part of children’s microsystem that involves children interacting with, influencing, and socializing one another. Peer ecologies do not include adults, but can affect and be affected by them’ (p. 285). In later chapters we will consider the research of Farmer and colleagues (2011), who have argued that that teachers have a critical role to play in creating positive peer ecologies. The teachers are the ‘invisible hand’ promoting productive peer-group relations in the classroom (see Chapter 9). As Rodkin and Hodges note, an examination of ‘peer ecologies’ of bullies and victims using sociometric analysis reveals a different picture for each. Students who bully others and who enjoy some social status are connected to the peer ecology while rejected bullies are disconnected. The picture for victims is a little clearer in as much as they are typically disconnected from the peer group. To understand this picture we now consider the development of sociometry. Sociometry The person most notably associated with the field of research known as ‘sociometry’ is Joseph Moreno (1934). Basically the sociometric test collates the choices individuals make about their relationships with others in their group, e.g. the classroom. Choices usually revolve around who they would like to work or spend time with and are of a positive nature, i.e. ‘write down the names of the children you would like to work with’ and not ‘write down the names of the children you do not wish to work with.’ The nominations are then classified on the basis of the number of nominations received. A large number of these studies have focused on target children who are sociometrically rejected (disliked by many peers and liked by very few), because these children are at risk of delinquent behavior and poor social functioning, while sociometrically ‘popular’ children (those who are liked by many and disliked by few) are generally identified as highly socially competent and to behave very positively toward peers (e.g. Rubin et al., 1998). The ‘rejected’ and popular groups score at opposite extremes of a continuum of peer acceptance or sociometric popularity that underlies the The dynamics of the school peer group 37 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 distinction of social status groups. The structure of the group is also revealed in terms of ‘cliques’, that is groups of children who all choose each other. Ideas for school and classroom Constructing a classroom sociogram Step 1 After the students have been at school for a term so that they have had a chance to get to know one another, ask them to write down on a piece of paper with their name on the top the names of two students they would like to work with. Step 2 The teacher then writes the names of all students in the class on a large (A3) sheet of paper. Step 3 Then using the names provided by the students, list who chooses whom. Step 4 For visual impact draw larger circles for the students who get chosen by many others or colour them. Shapes such as squares to indicate males and circles for females could be used. Mutual choice Clique Star One - way choice Isolate Sociometric categories: 1 ‘Stars’– receive many nominations; 2 ‘Isolates’ – receive few, if any choices; 3 ‘Mutual choice’ – pairs who choose each other in a mutually reciprocal fashion; 4 ‘One -way choice’ – an individual who chooses someone but it is not reciprocated; 5 ‘Cliques’ – groups of three or more students who mutually choose each other. Figure 2.1 Constructing a sociogram 38 The dynamics of the school peer group Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Sociometry and school bullying In an early study (Slee, 1998) of the links between school bullying and sociometric status it was found that prosocial students received significantly more ‘like most’ (LM) nominations than victims. Bullies and victims both received significantly more ‘like least’ (LL) nominations compared with prosocial students. Prosocial students had significantly higher social preference (SP) scores than victims. Apart from the research by Rodkin and Hodges (2003) reported earlier, Vaillancourt et al. (2003), using sociometric analysis, also report that while bullies may be largely rejected or disliked they can also enjoy a high degree of social power as part of the peer ecology of the classroom. Social network theory Another way to understand the ecology of a classroom or school is to see that relationships are comprised of ‘networks.’ Generally speaking, a network is used to describe a set of relationships and can be used to examine relationships from those in small groups to those in large and complex organizations such as schools. In the following section the nature of classroom networks will be described, but for a more complete description the interested reader might like to refer to Merchant (2012). The theory proposes a network comprising a set of ‘objects’ or nodes’ and the purpose is to map or describe the relations between the objects or nodes. The simplest network contains two objects, A and B , and one relationship that links them. Nodes A and B, for example, might be students, and the relationship that links them might be ‘are in the same classroom.’ A—B. The relationship can have a ‘direction’ as in ‘A likes B’: AoB. The relationships could be bi-directional, as in ‘A and B like each other’: AlB. At one level, this list of concepts of relationships between pairs of nodes is now logically complete. However, it is possible that the relationship might involve an ‘intermediary.’ For example: + A + B C Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 The dynamics of the school peer group 39 That is, the relationship may mean that A is connected to C via B. The relationships shown are directional and not reciprocal, but they need not be. They could be non-directional or reciprocal. Consider a non-directional or reciprocal three-node relationship in which A and B like one another, and B and C like one another. The network connection may be represented by a positive sign. One can describe the network distance between pairs of nodes in terms of the number of steps or links between them. There are obviously two steps between A and B. But if A also likes C, as shown below, the network is said to be ‘transitive’ or balanced (see below), and in this case all three nodes are directly linked. A B C Aside from their directionality, or lack of it, relationships might be more than the sharing of an attribute or being in the same place at the same time. There can be a flow between the objects or the nodes. Liking, for example, Trends and issues There is no doubt that the manner in which children and young people conduct their relationships today has been markedly impacted by technology. All too often, though, technology is viewed as having a negative impact on the nature of young people’s relationships, with instances of cyber bullying, sexting, etc. being cited. Researchers (e.g. Costabile and Spears, 2012) have published studies highlighting the positive uses and impact of ICT on young people’s lives. They emphasize that issues such as cyber bullying are on-line relationship problems that require relationship solutions. However, they point out that in appreciating the significance of ICTs for young people’s conduct of their relationships it does not necessarily follow that they are skilled in the management of their on-line relationships. They conclude their book by noting that ‘ICT’s, then, are rewriting how we interact socially, forcing reconsiderations and reassessments of the social boundaries and mores within which we all operate, and of the relationships which operate within and around them.’ (Costabile and Spears, 2012, p. 206). 40 The dynamics of the school peer group might lead to an exchange of gifts. Flows and exchanges can be very important in network theory. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Different kinds of networks Three kinds of social networks have been described, including: • • • ego-centric socio-centric and open-system networks. The first of these – ego-centric networks – are those networks that are connected with a single node or individual, e.g. all my good school friends or all secondary schools in a city. In terms of school settings, in order to be considered networks these connections must not only be lists of students, but information must be available about the connections between these students. A student with a large number of good friends whom he or she can count on is said to have a large ‘network.’ For example, McCormick et al. (2015) used a focus on the ego-centric network to examine friendship relationships in a classroom. This network cannot be discussed in social network terms, however, unless we know whether and how these people are connected with one another. The second kind of network – socio-centric networks – are prescribed or ‘closed’ in some way. For example, they are connections between children in a classroom, or amongst teachers in a particular school. The third kind of network has been described as an alternative or ‘open’ system network where the boundaries are less clear – for example, all the good tennis players in a school or all of the maths teachers in a school system or district. Although most research on norms at the peer-group level has focused on relationships between students, this work has largely overlooked the idea that relationships between students are a form of social structure, defined by the pattern of connections between students within a given relational context such as a school, grade or classroom. A social network perspective views friendships in terms of nodes and ties. Nodes are individuals within the relational setting, e.g. a classroom, and ties are friendship connections between nodes. To understand what underpins social network theory it is necessary to appreciate that its focus is on the relationships between individuals and not the individuals themselves, and the structure of the whole setting is emphasized more than individual relationships within the setting. Using network analysis, researchers can determine whether sociometric status, or one’s social position within a group, is associated with individual attributes (e.g. leadership qualities, extraversion). Network analysis can also The dynamics of the school peer group 41 be used to determine whether the specific attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors of one’s social ties (e.g. friends, co-workers) influence one’s own attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Social network analysis and school bullying Moutappa et al. (2004), in a study using network analysis, report that friends’ engagement in aggressive behavior was associated with being a bully or aggressive victim. The number of friendship nominations received was negatively associated with bullying. In relation to interventions they suggested that focussing on aggressive behavior may also have an impact on friends’ behavior. Summary In this chapter we have followed on from Chapter 1 and the consideration of prosocial behavior, and considered the nature of the peer group from birth to late adolescence. Particular consideration has been given to the nature of ‘friendship’ and the manner in which its form and function change with age. This led us to practical ways in which teachers and other professionals working with groups of children can assess the nature of their peer group. Guidelines for school practice The use of communication technologies to promote and strengthen school friendships There is no doubt that the latest generation of smartphones offers sophisticated platforms providing on-board computing capability, significant storage capacity for movies and photos, large screens and open operating systems that encourage application development. This provides opportunities to utilize the emerging technology in positive ways to enhance peer-group relations (Costabile and Spears, 2012). For example, Wolke and Sapouna (2012) used virtual learning technologies to teach children how to cope with bullying. Wotherspoon et al. (2012), using a ‘train the trainer’ model, taught young people to make creative content for their mobile phones in the form of anticyber bullying messages that could then be disseminated via bluetooth technology, freely from mobile phone to mobile phone. Skrzypiec et al. (2015) used i-pads and the photostory method to enable young Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 42 The dynamics of the school peer group Punjabi Indian students to take a photo and using the ‘Pic Collage’ app tell their story about the their experience of bullying and their solutions to the problem. The author has been teaching pre-service teachers for a number of years to use free movie-making technology and apps to create a movie about positive solutions to school bullying for use in their classrooms. Consider how your classroom or school could use CTs to script, perform and produce an anti-bullying movie. What have you learnt? 1 The three essential elements that define friendships are (i) ______________________ (ii) ______________________ (iii) ______________________ 2 Identify at least two functions of friendships: (i) ______________________ (ii) ______________________ 3 According to Harry Stack Sullivan, a ‘chum’ is: ________________________________________________________ 4 True or false? (i) Socially isolated or unpopular children have been found to be deficient in skills such as cooperation and a positive response to peers. (T/F) (ii) Inadequate social skills in children have been associated with good academic performance. (T/F) (iii) Children deficient in social skills have a low incidence of school maladjustment. (T/F) 5 The three types of social network are: (i) ______________________ (ii) ______________________ (iii) ______________________ The dynamics of the school peer group 43 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Activity Talk to children of different ages to discover how they would define a ‘friend’ – you might also ask them whether it is more important to have many friends or one ‘good’ friend. References Bagwell, C., Newcomb, A., and Bukowski, W. (1998). Preadolescent friendship and peer rejection as predictors of adult adjustment. Child Development, 69(1), 140–153. Brendgen, M., Wanner, V., and Vitaro, F. (2010). Links between friendship relations and early adolescents’ trajectories of depressed mood. Developmental Psychology, 41(2), 491–501. Bukowski, W. M. and Cillessen, A. H. (eds) (1998). Sociometry then and now: Building on six decades of measuring children’s experiences with the peer group. New Directions for Child Development, vol. 80. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Bukowski, W. M., Newcomb, A. F., and Hartup, W. W. (1996). Friendship and its significance in childhood and adolescence: Introduction and comment. In W. M. Bukowski, A. F. Newcomb and W. W. Hartups (eds) The company they keep: Friendship in childhood and adolescence (pp. 1–15). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cartledge, G. and Milburn, J. F. (eds) (1986). Teaching social skills to children. New York: Pergamon Press. Contarello, A. and Volpato, C. (1991). Images of friendship: Literary depictions through the ages. Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, 8(1), 49–75. Cory, William Johnson (1958). Heraclitus. In A. P. Wavell, Other men’s flowers (p. 437). London: Jonathan Cape. Costabile, A. and Spears, B. (2012). The impact of technology on relationships in educational settings. London: Routledge. Craig, W., Pepler, D., and Atlas, R. (2000). Observation of bullying in the playground and in the classroom. School Psychology International, 21, 22–36. Dunphy, D. C. (1963). The social structure of urban adolescent peer groups. Sociometry, 26, 230–246. Farmer, T. W., Lines, M. M., and Hamm, J. V. (2011). Revealing the invisible hand: The role of teachers in children’s peer experiences. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology, 32, 247–256. Gifford-Smith, M. and Brownel, C.A. (2003). Childhood peer relationships: Social acceptance, friendships, and peer networks. Journal of School Psychology, 41, 235–284. Glick, G. C. and Rose, A. J. (2011). Prospective associations between friendship. adjustment and social strategies: Friendship as a context for building social skills. Developmental Psychology, 47(4), 1117–1132. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 44 The dynamics of the school peer group Hall, L. J. and McGregor, J. A. (2000). A follow-up study of the peer relationships of children with disabilities in an inclusive school. The Journal of Special Education, 34, 114–125. Hartup , W.W. and Laursen, B. (1993). Conflict and context in peer relations. In C. H. Hart (ed.) Children on playgrounds: Research perspectives and applications (pp. 44–84). New York: SUNY Press. Hay, D. F., Payne, A., and Chadwick, A. (2004). Peer relations in childhood. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 45(1), 84–108. Henneberger, A. K., Coffman, D. L., and Gest, S. D. (2016). The effect of having aggressive friends on aggressive behavior in childhood: Using propensity scores to strengthen causal inference. Social Development. doi: 10.1111/sude.12186 Howes, C. (1983). Patterns of friendship. Child Development, 54, 1041–1053. Howes, C. (1985). Sharing fantasy: Social pretend play in toddlers. Child Development, 53, 105–113. Howes, C. (1988). Peer interaction of young children. Monographs of the Society of Research into Child Development, 53(1), 1–88. Kindermann, T. A. and Gest, S. D. (2009). 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A developmental analysis of peer interaction among toddlers. Friendship and Peer Relations, 4, 223–257. NICHD Early Childcare Research Network (2004). Fathers and mothers parenting behavior and beliefs as predictors of children’s social adjustment in the transition to school. Journal of Family Psychology, 17, 315–326. Nock , M. K. and Kurtz, S. M. S. (2005). Direct behavioral observation in school settings: Bringing science to practice. Cognitive and Behavioral Practice, 12, 359–370. Prinstein, M. J. and La Greca, A. M. (2002). Peer crowd affiliation and internalizing distress in childhood and adolescence: A longitudinal follow-back study. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 12(3), 325–351. Rodkin, P. C. and Hodges, E. V. (2003). Bullies and victims in the peer ecology: Four questions for psychologists and school professionals. School Psychology Review, 32(3), 384–400. Rubin, K. H. (1980). Fantasy play: Its role in the development of social skills and social cognition. New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development, 1980(9), 69–84. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 The dynamics of the school peer group 45 Rubin, K. H., Bukowski, W. M., and Parker, J. G. (1998). Peer interactions, relationships, and groups. In W. Damon (series ed.) and N. Eisenberg (vol. ed.), Handbook of child psychology, vol. 3: Social, emotional, and personality development (5th edn, pp. 619–700). New York: Wiley. Scott, J. (2000). Social network analysis: A handbook (2nd edn). London: Sage. Sebanc, A. M. (2003). The friendship features of preschool children: Links with prosocial behavior and aggression. Social Development, 12(2), 249–268. Skrzypiec, G., Slee, P., and Sandhu, D. (2015). Using the photo story method to understand the cultural context of youth victimisation in the Punjab. International Journal of Emotional Education, 7(1), 52. Slee, P. T. (1987). Child observation skills. London: Croom Helm. Slee, P. T. (1998). Bullying amongst Australian primary school students. Some barriers to help-seeking and links with socio-metric status. In P. T. Slee and K. Rigby (eds) Children’s peer relations (pp. 205–215). London: Routledge. Slee, P. T., Campbell, M., and Spears, B. (2012). Child, adolescent and family development (3rd edn). Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. Slee, P. T. and Rigby, K. (eds) (1998). Children’s peer relations. London: Routledge. Slee, P.T. and Skrzypiec, G. (2016). Wellbeing, positive peer relations and bullying in school settings. New York: Springer. Sullivan, H. S. (1953). The interpersonal theory of psychiatry. New York: Norton. Svetlova, M., Nichols, S. R., and Brownell, C. A. (2010). Toddlers’ prosocial behavior: From instrumental to empathic to altruistic helping. Child development, 81(6), 1814–1827. Townsend, M. A. R., McCracken, H. E., and Wilton, K. M. (1988). Popularity and intimacy as determinants of psychological well-being in adolescent friendships. Journal of Early Adolescence, 8(4), 421–436. Trower, P., Bryant, B., and Argyle, M. (1978). Social skills and mental health. London: Methuen. Vaillancourt, T., Hymel, S., and McDougall, P. (2003). Bullying is power. Journal of Applied School Psychology, 19(2), 157–176. doi: 10.1300/J008v19n02_10 Van Cleemput, K. (2012). Friendship type, clique formation, and the everyday use of communication technologies in a peer group. Information, Communication and Society, 15(8), 1258–1277. doi: 10.1080/1369118X.2011.606327 Vandell, D. L. and Mueller, E. C. (1980). Peer play and friendships during the first two years. In H. C. Foot., A. J. Chapman, and J. R. Smith (eds), Friendship and social relations in children. New York: Wiley. Wotherspoon, A., Cox, G., and Slee, P. T. (2012). Using mobile phones to counter cyberbullying. In A. Costabile and B. Spears (eds) The impact of technology on relationships in educational settings (pp. 178–188). London: Routledge. Wolke, D. and Sapouna, M. (2012). Fear not: an innovative interdisciplinary virtual intervention to reduce bullying and victimisation. In A. Costabile and B. Spears (eds) The impact of technology on relationships in educational settings (pp. 169– 177). London: Routledge. Zimmer-Gembeck, M. J., Waters, A. M., and Kindermann, T. (2010). A social relations analysis of liking for and by peers: Associations with gender, depression, peer perception, and worry. Journal of Adolescence, 33(1), 69–81. Chapter 3 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Traditional/offline and cyber bullying Key terms: bullying; victimization; prosocial; cyber; attitudes; shadow Introduction Washing one’s hands of the conflict between the powerful and the powerless means to side with the powerful, not to be neutral. Paulo Freire The focus in this chapter is on understanding the issue of bullying through the eyes of children and young people. Consideration is given to school bullying ‘in the shadow of the playground’ and information from students is provided regarding face-to-face bullying (sometimes called traditional bullying). Another ‘new playground’ for bullying is of course cyber space, and research is presented regarding young people’s experience of cyber bullying. We begin with a discussion of the contested matter of defining school bullying. Definition of bullying In Chapter 4 we consider the various theories of bullying. An important component of these theories addresses the issue of the definition of bullying (Smith et al., 2002). Smith et al. noted that Heinemann (1973) discussed the issue of bullying using the Norwegian term mobbning, which highlighted violence against a deviant individual that occurs suddenly and subsides suddenly. That is, the group against the individual. Dan Olweus (1978; 1993) subsequently extended the definition to include systematic one-onone attacks of a stronger child against a weaker child. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Traditional/offline and cyber bullying 47 A student is being bullied or victimized when he or she is exposed, repeatedly and over time, to negative actions on the part of one or more other students. It is a negative action when someone intentionally inflicts, or attempts to inflict, injury or discomfort upon another. [And] In order to use the term bullying, there should also be an imbalance in strength (an asymmetric power relationship): The student who is exposed to the negative actions has difficulty in defending himself or herself and is somewhat helpless against the student or students who harass. (Olweus, 1993, p. 9) Smith et al.’s (2002) study of 8- and 14-year-olds across 14 countries concluded that the younger children had a less differentiated understanding of the components of bullying than the older children. Hemphill et al. (2014, p. 15) undertook to define bullying, concluding: School-based bullying is a systematic abuse of power in a relationship formed at school characterised by: 1. aggressive acts directed (by one or more individuals) toward victims that a reasonable person would avoid; 2. acts which usually occur repeatedly over a period of time; and 3. acts in which there is an actual or perceived power imbalance between perpetrators and victims, with victims often being unable to defend themselves effectively from perpetrators. Slee et al. (2003) reviewed the matter of definition in five countries in the Asia-Pacific region, noting considerable differences in whether countries had a word for ‘bullying’ and how it was defined. Slee and Skrzypiec (2016) have overviewed cross-cultural definitions of bullying, noting that different cultures have different words (e.g. in Japan it is ijime and in Korea it is wang ta) and that different meanings are attached to the word. For example, in Japan ijime refers to the indirect and exclusionary features of the behavior rather than emphasizing the physical aspects. Smith et al. (2015) in their book provide an in-depth analysis of the nature of school bullying from eastern and western perspectives, providing fascinating insight into how bullying is defined cross-culturally. In summary, it is important to note that the matter of definition is a contested one. For example, it has been argued that a one-off incident can also constitute bullying. As we shall touch upon later in this chapter, the phenomenon of cyber bullying brings with it a range of other issues: for example, if a young person has a negative message about them posted on the internet once but it goes viral, is it bullying? Generally agreed upon facets that distinguish bullying as a particular form of aggression include (i) a power imbalance, (ii) an intention to hurt, (iii) the victim generally feels unable to stop the behavior, and (iv) repetition of one kind or another. 48 Traditional/offline and cyber bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Reflection How would you define bullying? The measurement of bullying Menesini and Nocentini (2009) have cited research distinguishing between normative and ipsative measures, where normative measures assess what other individuals (e.g. peers or teachers) think of those bullying or being bullied while ipsative refers to essentially self-reported measures. The debate about using others to assess bullying, for example teachers, is that while the teacher’s report may be more ‘objective’ there may be a risk of under-reporting because teachers will not see all of the bullying that occurs. The same authors also note that researchers also distinguish between global ratings of behavior or the listing of specific behaviors which the respondent scores. Bullying – ‘in the shadow of the playground’ In the following discussion a variety of data sources will be called on to provide an overview of school students’ experiences of victimization, the bullying of others and prosocial behavior. Consideration will be given to the international research in this regard. The P.E.A.C.E. Pack: a program for reducing bullying The P.E.A.C.E. Pack is a successful intervention program dealing with bullying in schools (Slee, 2001; Slee and Mohyla, 2007). It is widely used in Australia and has been translated and independently evaluated in countries such as Japan. The program was developed in consultation with teachers, students, principals, parents and school administrators from day-care centres, kindergartens and primary and secondary schools. The acronym P.E.A.C.E has been used to help organize the material presented in this package under the following headings: ‘P’ Preparation and consideration of the nature of the problem. ‘E’ Education and understanding of the issues by those concerned. ‘A’ Action taken and strategies developed to reduce bullying. Traditional/offline and cyber bullying 49 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 ‘C’ Coping strategies which are implemented for staff, students and parents. ‘E’ Evaluation and review of the program in place at school (Chapter 8). Theoretically it draws on essential systemic principles (Shute and Slee, 2015) whereby the issue of school bullying is nested within relationships and understood in terms of social constructivist thought. Systemic thinking is sharply at odds with more conventional Western scientific thinking with its emphasis on remediation, deficits and weaknesses in the individual (Shute and Slee, 2015). In contrast to this ‘deficit’ approach, systemic thinking emphasizes the active role of the individual in socially constructing meaning and has a strong focus on competency, success and individual strengths. It embraces the idea of the ‘social’, whereby meaning is constructed within the social setting of relationships, interactions and communication. Broadly, interventions can involve ‘first-order’ change where individuals caught up in the bully–victim cycle may need some assistance and strategies to deal with bullying. The school system remains the same with the bully viewed as the ‘bad’ student in need of control and change and the victim viewed as an individual needing help and protection. If the view of the situation is accurate and constructive, and if in fact the students do simply need to acquire some new skills, then ‘first-order’ interventions have a place in an intervention program. There is certainly a well-documented body of evidence which attests to the value of such interventions (e.g. Slee, 2013). ‘Second-order’ change will occur when the system itself begins to change. For example, the school may gain some insight through a review of policy and practice as to how the current school procedures maintain and even amplify or encourage bullying. The school community in modifying attitudes, perceptions and beliefs may choose to approach the issue of bullying from a different point of view. In particular, detailed information that will be presented in this chapter is based on a large national sample of Australian students (not representative) which has utilized the P.E.A.C.E. Pack program (Slee, 2001). The students provided anonymous data using a purpose-built questionnaire. The questionnaire provides a definition of bullying for students to read or which is read out by the teacher, and consists of • • • • • • • demographic questions, e.g. age, year level; ratings of happiness at school; identification of number of friends at school and outside school; self-ratings of experience of victimization and bullying others; safety at school; assessment of the effects of any bullying; knowledge of any school anti-bullying policy. 50 Traditional/offline and cyber bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Table 3.1 Demographic details of the student sample from the P.E.A.C.E. Pack study Number of students Number of schools Gender Year level Age 9,722 36 53.7% male 1–12 5–18 years From Table 3.1 it can be seen that data from 36 public, Catholic and independent schools from around Australia was collected involving 9,722 students who completed a purpose-designed questionnaire regarding their experiences of school bullying. The questionnaire had been widely trialled in earlier research with regard to its ‘readability’, level of engagement and ease of administration. It was designed to be administered in the context of a 30–40 minute lesson format and was anonymous with completed questionnaires placed in a sealed envelope and returned to the research assistants. The questionnaire contained the following statement which students read or which teachers read to students prior to them completing the questionnaire: Bullying Students sometimes bully students at school by deliberately and repeatedly hurting or upsetting them in some way; for example, by hitting or pushing them around, teasing them or leaving them out of things on purpose. But it is not bullying when two young people of about the same strength have the odd fight or quarrel. An important feature of the discussion in this chapter is that it calls upon information provided by students, and in some of the research described actively promotes the idea of young people as co-researchers (see Chapter 6). Ideas for school and classroom Does your classroom have a definition of bullying posted? ‘Student voice’ – a caveat! Shute and Slee (2015) in describing the ‘new sociology’ of childhood have noted that the concept of ‘student voice’ and or ‘children’s voices’ is not an uncontested one. There is no doubt that the idea that children should be consulted and involved in research in a more active way with some research embracing the idea of engaging young people as co-researchers in the Traditional/offline and cyber bullying 51 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 research process is now more widely accepted. However, they note that in some disciplines, and particularly from a social constructivist perspective, even the use of the term ‘child’ has been critiqued on the grounds that it ‘objectifies’ the young person. Kellett (2010, p. 195) has written that: The concept of children as researchers has gained credence in response to changing perspectives on their status in society, recognition of their role as consumers and increased attention to children’s rights. While this has led to greater involvement of children as participant and co-researchers, research led by children – research they design, carry out and disseminate themselves with adult support rather than adult management – is still relatively rare. In the present chapter, research findings regarding young people’s experiences of school bullying from diverse perspectives will be outlined, ranging from those conducted in a fairly traditional manner, namely questionnaires completed by young people, to less frequently used methods, including young people’s photo-stories. Point of interest Early Australian research into school bullying: an historical note In the first published large-scale Australian study of school bullying, Rigby and Slee (1991) surveyed the extent of bullying among Australian school students and attitudes to victims of bullying (n = 685 students aged between 6 and 16 years and their teachers (n = 32). It was found that approximately one child in ten was subjected to peer-group bullying. As Rigby (1996, pp. 32–33) noted, ‘There is now abundant evidence on the nature, extent and effects of bullying in Australian schools. The bulk of it is from studies conducted by Rigby and Slee.’ In the first national assessment Rigby and Slee (1999) collated data regarding the extent of being victimized in Australian schools based on research involving approximately 25,500 primary and secondary students from over 60 Catholic, independent and public schools around Australia. The data was collected using the Peer Relations Questionnaire (PRQ), which was developed by Rigby and Slee in response to teachers’ requests for a standardized method of assessing the nature and extent of school bullying. In gathering data anonymously care was taken to Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 52 Traditional/offline and cyber bullying differentiate between bullying in which there was a perceived imbalance of power, and other aggressive acts such as fighting and quarrelling between equals. Overall, in this first collated Australian data base between one in five and one in seven students reported being bullied once a week or more. Self-reported victimization was more frequently reported by younger students, and girls generally reported less victimization than boys. In secondary school the amount of bullying was highest in years 8 and 9 (students aged about 12–14 years). Australian school students’ reports of bullying In the following section we describe the findings from a more recent national sample of Australian students’ self-reports of their experiences of school bullying. As noted earlier the data is derived from a school-based intervention resource called the ‘P.E.A.C.E. Pack: A program for reducing bullying in our schools’ (Slee, 2001). In presenting these findings it is important to keep in mind a number of limitations, namely that the schools were not randomly chosen and a decision was made to provide a definition of what bullying was and was not to the students. The first finding to be considered was the extent to which students reported they had experienced victimization. Reflection What do you think of the idea of involving young people as co-researchers – what would be the pros and cons? The frequency of bullying in Australian schools – physically harmful, psychologically damaging and socially isolating Frequency of victimization As shown in Figure 3.1, some 2.8 percent of students indicated they were victimized ‘every day’, 5.7 percent ‘most days’, 6.7 percent 1–2 days per week and 7.2 percent once a week; and in total 22.4 percent of Australian students in this sample indicated they were being victimized ‘once a week or more often’ while 77.6 percent were victimized ‘less than once per week’. According to Boulton and Underwood (1992), students who are bullied about once a week or more often are considered to have been Traditional/offline and cyber bullying 80 53 76 70 Frequency Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 60 50.4 50 40 30 27.2 19.3 20 10 2.8 4.7 5.7 6.7 7.2 0 Victimization Bullying Figure 3.1 The frequency of self reported school victimization and bullying amongst Australian students (n = 9,238 students) ‘seriously bullied’. Clearly though, any incident and any level of bullying is unacceptable. Frequency of bullying Students were also asked how frequently they ‘bullied someone’ using a 3-point scale from ‘often’ to ‘never’. From Figure 3.1 it can be seen that 4.7 percent of students reported bullying someone ‘often’, 19.3 percent bullied a peer ‘sometimes’ and and 76 percent ‘never bullied’. In Chapter 5 the developmental features of being victimized and bullying others are more fully described. Point of interest Rigby and Slee (1993) surveyed the extent of bullying among Australian primary school children and attitudes to victims of bullying. It was found that approximately one child in ten was subjected to peer-group bullying. Boys reported being bullied more often than girls, who tended to be more supportive of victims. With increasing age, there was a slight but significant decline in reported bullying; notably, however, attitudes to victims became less supportive. Attitudes to victims were examined in detail by using a reliable and validated 20-item Likert scale. Factor analyses of the children’s responses yielded Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 54 Traditional/offline and cyber bullying three interpretable factors: a tendency to despise the victims of bullies; general admiration for school bullies; and avowed support for intervention to assist the victim. It was proposed that an understanding of such attitudes is desirable for designing effective intervention programs. Discussion: why do you think there may be a decline in self-reported school bullying across primary school; and why do you think attitudes to victims of primary school students become less supportive with age? Comparison with other Australian research While the metrics of the P.E.A.C.E. Pack study are dissimilar, in the Australian Covert Bullying Prevalence Study (ACBPS) undertaken by Cross et al. (2009) of 20,832 Australian students, bullying was gauged by how many students were frequently bullied, i.e. bullied every few weeks or more often in a school term. Using this criterion they found that just over one quarter (27 percent) of Australian school students aged 8–14 years were experiencing bullying. The ACBPS also found that frequent bullying was more common for Year 5 students (32 percent) and Year 8 (29 percent) students. While it is not appropriate to make comparisons of the prevalence of bullying in our study the incidence of serious bullying of the Year 8s in our study was 20.2 percent. A recent South Australian study In a more recent (Skrzypiec et al., 2016) large-scale study of 1,930 middleschool students (year levels 6–10), South Australian students responded to the same 6-point scale as that used by Slee (2001). In all 19.2 percent reported being ‘seriously’ bullied, that is, ‘once a week or more often’ (Table 3.2). Further analysis was undertaken in this sample and indicated there was no gender difference in the level of reported victimization. However, as indicated in Figure 3.2 there were differences in self-reported victimization Table 3.2 Bullying status of students How often this year have you been bullied or harassed by a student or students at school? Never Less than once a week About once a week One or two days a week Most days Every day Count % Count % Count % Count % Count % Count % 936 49.1% Not bullied 602 31.6% Not seriously bullied 133 119 6.2% 88 Seriously bullied o 19.2% 7.0% 4.6% 27 1.4% Traditional/offline and cyber bullying 60 Year 6 Year 7 Year 8 Year 9 Year 10 percent 50 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 55 40 30 20 10 0 Never Less than once week Seriously Year 6 50.0 28.2 21.8 Year 7 46.4 36.2 17.4 Year 8 49.7 30.0 20.2 Year 9 47.1 33.9 19.0 Year 10 52.5 31.2 16.3 Figure 3.2 Frequency of victimization in a sample of South Australian students across year levels 6–10. That is, self-reported ‘serious’ victimization (once a week or more often) was highest in Year 6 (21.8 percent ) and lowest in Year 10 (16.3 percent). The decreased level of bullying across the middle years is illustrated in Figure 3.2, which shows that the incidence of serious bullying decreased from Year 6 to Year 10. In summary, a number of researchers have reported age-declines in victimization (Eslea and Rees, 2001; Salmivalli, 2002). However, as Salmivalli (2002) noted, this pattern in her research was only evident for self-reported victimization and not for peer or teacher reports. Trends and issues Are school teachers ready to address school bullying? In a Dutch study involving primary school teachers it was found that teachers struggled to accurately define bullying, lacked practical strategies for addressing bullying incidents and could not identify selfidentified victims of bullying in their own classroom. (Oldenburg et al., 2015) 56 Traditional/offline and cyber bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Cyber bullying – the dark side of the internet playground In a large-scale national study (Campbell et al., 2012; 2013) 3,112 students from years 6–12 (girls = 50.5 percent) from 29 different schools, both government and non-government, in three Australian states were surveyed. The age range was from 9 to 19 years old (M = 13.96). Most students (87.5 percent, n = 2,724) were able to access the internet from their home and 83.1 percent (2,586) owned their own mobile (cell) phone. An anonymous, selfreport, paper-based survey was conducted, consisting of four sections. The first section asked for demographic information of gender, age and year of school, internet access at home and ownership of a mobile (cell) phone. The second section obtained information about cyber bullying experiences. The following definition of cyber bullying was provided (following recommendations of Solberg and Olweus (2003) to improve the validity of responses). Cyber bullying is when one person or a group of people repeatedly try to hurt or embarrass another person, using their computer or mobile phone, to use power over them. With cyber bullying, the person bullying usually has some advantage over the person targeted, and it is done on purpose to hurt them, not like an accident or when friends tease each other. A filter question of ‘Have you been cyber bullied this year?’ was asked, scoring it as ‘yes/no’. Three questions concerned feelings when cyber bullied: (1) how did they feel; (2) how harsh or cruel the cyber bullying experienced was considered to be; and (3) how much of an impact the cyber bullying was thought to have had on their life. Data were also gathered using the Strength and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) (Goodman, 1997) to ascertain conduct problems, hyperactivity, peer relationship problems and prosocial behavior and the Depression, Anxiety Stress Scales – DASS-21 (Lovibond and Lovibond, 1995) to ascertain depression, anxiety and stress symptoms. In another section students were asked about traditional or face-to-face bullying experiences mirroring the cyber bullying questions. The following definition of face-to-face bullying was provided. There are lots of different ways to bully someone. A bully wants to hurt the other person (it’s not an accident) and does it repeatedly and unfairly (the bullying has some advantage over the victim). Sometimes a group of students will bully another student. Overall, 14.8 percent (460 students) indicated they were victims of cyber bullying during the school year. By way of comparison, the Australian Covert Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Traditional/offline and cyber bullying 57 Bullying Prevalence Study (ACBPS) described earlier found that about 7 percent of Australian students in years 4–9 reported being cyber bullied in the previous term at school, i.e. every few weeks or more often (Cross et al., 2009). In a review of the field involving 35 papers it was concluded that an average of 24 percent of young people had been cyber bullied and 17 percent cyber bullied others (Patchin and Hinduja, 2012). There is some research evidence suggesting that the incidence of this behavior may be rising (Jones et al., 2013). Cyber bullying is harmful to health! A major finding from the Campbell et al. (2012) study showed that although students who had been victimized by traditional bullying reported that they felt their bullying was harsher, crueller and had more impact on their lives than that experienced by students who had been cyber bullied, the correlates of their mental health revealed that cyber victims reported significantly more social difficulties, higher anxiety levels and depression than traditional victims. Interesting research reported by Chen et al. (2015) involving Taiwanese elementary school students also reported that students believed that physical and verbal bullying was more harmful than cyber bullying. Reflection Why might students underestimate the harm of cyberbullying? Length of time bullying lasted A significant element of the definition of bullying distinguishing it from ‘violence’ is that of repetition. In relation to cyber bullying the issue of repetition of the act is contentious. As Menesini et al. (2012) have noted, while several definitions of cyber bullying have been proposed there is still a debate within the scientific community about a common conceptualization of the phenomenon. Using adolescents from a range of European countries they manipulated the three ‘traditional bullying criteria’ (intentionality, repetition, and imbalance of power) and two new ‘specific cyber bullying criteria’ (public vs. private and anonymity). Their findings showed that adolescents emphasized the criteria of ‘power imbalance’, and ‘intention’ and to a lesser extent that of ‘anonymity.’ The exception was ‘repetition’ but as the authors noted, in the virtual context this is not so important, because a single act of cyber bullying which is then ‘passed on’ through the internet by others still amounts to ‘repetition.’ 58 Traditional/offline and cyber bullying A day or two 3–4 days A week A month A few months More than half a year A few weeks Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 14.6% 6.8% 3.8% 50.4% 8.5% 6.4% 9.4% Figure 3.3 Self-reported time the victimization lasted In Figure 3.3 we present students’ self-reported ‘length of time’ the victimization lasted, from the P.E.A.C.E. Pack data base. From Figure 3.3 it can be seen that 65 percent of students reported that the bullying lasted a ‘week or less’. However, for a disturbingly high 26 percent of students it lasted ‘a month or more’. There was a significant negative correlation between the frequency with which students reported bullying and the sadness they reported, such that the more frequently students reported they were bullied the sadder they rated themselves at school (−.18, p < .001). Safety from victimization in Australian schools A further examination of the P.E.A.C.E. Pack data was undertaken to consider the issues of students’ perceptions of safety from victimization in primary and secondary school, and the findings are presented in Figures 3.4 and 3.5. In Figure 3.4 it can be seen that females feel less safe from victimization, and overall 27.6 percent of female students report feeling less than safe at school. Consideration was then given to perception of safety at school in relation to primary and secondary school students. From Figure 3.5 it can be seen that in the Australian schools, primary school students feel less safe from victimization than do their secondary counterparts. The significance of this finding is best viewed in the context of Traditional/offline and cyber bullying 45 41.5 40.4 40 Frequency 35 31.8 32 30 25 20 15 10 15.4 15.7 11.3 11.9 5 0 Not safe Sometimes Male Usually Nearly always Female Figure 3.4 Safety at school by gender 50 42.6 40 40 Frequency Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 59 36.8 30 28.4 20 17.3 14.3 10 13.2 7.4 0 Not safe Sometimes Primary school Usually Nearly always Secondary school Figure 3.5 Safety from victimization in primary and secondary school national efforts to provide a safe learning environment. For example, the Australian National Safe Schools Framework notes that ‘it is essential that all schools provide a supportive learning community where all students feel and are safe. Students have a fundamental right to learn in a safe, supportive environment and to be treated with respect’ (www.safeschoolshub.edu.au/ safe-schools-toolkit/overview). The Irish program to address school bullying emphasizes that ‘The role of the school is to provide an appropriate education for all its pupils. A stable, secure learning environment is an essential requirement to achieve this goal’ (https://www.education.ie/en/Publications/Policy-Reports/Anti-BullyingProcedures-for-Primary-and-Post-Primary-Schools.pdf). 60 Traditional/offline and cyber bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 The Maltese Ministry for Education and Employment anti-bullying policy notes that students have ‘The right to a safe and supportive educational environment free from violence and aggression both on an emotional and physical level’ (http://education.gov.mt/en/Documents/Addressingpercent 20Bullyingpercent20Behavior percent20inpercent20Schools.pdf). Ideas for school and classroom Discuss ideas for using students to educate the school or classroom about bullying, e.g. using artwork or drama as part of ‘student voice’. Summary In this chapter we have provided an understanding of the issue of bullying through the eyes of children and young people. The issue of defining bullying while distinguishing it from aggression was outlined, and crosscultural differences in describing and defining bullying were noted. Bullying was identified as a harmful aspect of students’ school life and data were presented to highlight issues pertinent to definition, including repetition. The matter of safety from bullying was emphasized. We have focused on the matter of school bullying ‘in the shadow of the playground’ and presented information from students regarding face-to-face bullying (sometimes called traditional bullying) and from the ‘new playground’ of cyber space. Importantly we argued for the utilization of ‘student voice’ in understanding and developing programs to address school bullying, and the matter of intervention will be further addressed in Chapter 8. Hymel and Swearer (2015) have reviewed 4 decades of bullying research providing a significant overview of the field. Guidelines for school practice A P.E.A.C.E. Pack (Slee, 2001) workshop format for a staff meeting, seminar or professional development day. Preamble: The workshop format has been successfully used by the author in many school settings. The five discussion groups can be used Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Traditional/offline and cyber bullying 61 flexibly to meet the needs of one or several 1-hour workshops or a half- to one-day seminar. The process typically involves an introduction to the workshop and teachers and school staff then elect to join one of the five groups. The groups then convene and report back regarding the main points raised and the actions to take. Discussion group 1 – policy/grievance procedures Proposed aim(s) To discuss and formulate a draft of a school policy or a revision of the current bullying/harassment policy. Discussion points 1 2 3 4 How is bullying/harassment defined at your school? What is the status of the current policy (e.g. being developed, is used, etc.)? (See Chapter 10). Who would have to be involved in developing the policy? How would these consultations take place? Resources • • other school policy guidelines definitions of bullying from this chapter Discussion group 2 – play area Proposed aim(s) 1 2 3 To identify school play areas where bullying occurs. To define the role of the teachers on duty with regard to incidents of bullying. To determine a method for recording and following up incidents of bullying. Discussion points 1 Nationally, many students do not believe that teachers really try to stop bullying. If this perception exists at your school, how could it be changed? 62 Traditional/offline and cyber bullying 2 Identify significant school play areas where bullying occurs and identify simple strategies for reducing bullying. Discuss details of a reporting and follow up mechanism for incidents of bullying. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 3 Resources • peer mediation programs, buddy programs Discussion group 3 – the classroom Proposed aim(s) 1 2 3 To understand the nature and type of bullying that occurs in the classroom. To identify various strategies for the classroom teacher to reduce bullying. To list various curriculum resources that could be used to address the issue of bullying. Discussion points 1 2 3 Consider the various forms of bullying that occur, e.g. verbal, physical, psychological and cyber, and how the classroom could be made safer from these forms of bullying. Given that students often report feeling unsafe from bullying, what strategies are available to the teacher to use to help students feel safe (particularly when they are out of the room)? Consider as broadly as possible the various curriculum resources available which could be used to discuss bullying, e.g. poems, books, films, etc. Resources • lesson plans, books, films (e.g. your school library, the internet) Discussion group 4 – promoting student confidence Proposed aim(s) To understand the range of strategies available and resources within the school that could be used to offset the damaging effects of bullying. Traditional/offline and cyber bullying 63 Discussion points Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 1 2 Many students do not believe that teachers will act to resolve bullying incidents. Discuss the specific strategies that could be employed in the school to increase student confidence that something will be done (e.g. use of student representative council; involvement in policy making, etc.). Discuss the kinds of priorities needed in your school to offset the damaging effects of bullying. What could be achieved with the resources available at your school, e.g. peer mediation, boys and relationship courses, etc.? Resources • details of anti-bullying interventions in other schools Discussion group 5 – parent involvement Proposed aim(s) 1 2 3 To determine parent attitudes to the issue of bullying. To develop an approach for involving parents in policy development. To develop strategies/guidelines for helping teachers cope with parents whose children are involved in bullying incidents. Discussion points 1 2 3 Discuss the need to better understand parental attitudes to bullying. How could parents be best involved in the development of policy/ grievance procedures? Using your knowledge of parents at your school what specific guidelines would you propose to counsel parents whose children are involved in bullying incidents? Parent guidelines • • Look at relevant websites, e.g. www.lfcc.on.ca/bully.htm See guidelines presented as follows: Guidelines for involving parents in anti-bullying programs These guidelines are based on data obtained by the author from over 433 Australian parents regarding the issue of school bullying. • Most parents believe schools should have a policy on bullying. 64 Traditional/offline and cyber bullying • Most parents want to be involved or consulted in the development of policy. Parents will be upset or angry to find that their child is involved in a bullying incident. Parents (particularly of older students) may not be aware that their child is being bullied. • Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 • Involving parents in school programs to reduce bullying should have the general aims of: • • educating parents regarding school policy and grievance procedures; communicating in writing the procedures involved should their child be involved in a bullying incident; consulting parents in the development of policy or implementation of programs; informing parents of how they can approach the school with any concerns about bullying. • • Reporting back A spokesperson for the five individual discussion groups reports back to the entire staff the: a b key points actions to take. What have you learnt? 1 The three essential elements that define bullying are (i) ________________________ (ii) ________________________ (iii) ________________________ 2 The international consensus is that students bullied ‘once a week or more’ are (i) mildly bullied (ii) seriously bullied (iii) bullied harshly. Traditional/offline and cyber bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 3 65 An Australian study showed that students who reported being cyber bullied believed that: (i) the bullying was more harmful than other forms of bullying; (ii) the bullying was less harmful than other forms of bullying; (iii) the bullying was about the same level of harm as other forms of bullying. 4 Teachers often struggle to understand and address bullying: True/false. 5 Research shows that: (i) Males and female are equally prosocial. (ii) Males are less prosocial than females. (iii) Males and females are equally prosocial. 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Chapter 4 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Theories of bullying Key terms: aggression; anger; violence; bullying Introduction Nonviolence leads to the highest ethics, which is the goal of all evolution. Until we stop harming all other living beings, we are still savages. Thomas A. Edison, American inventor In recent years there has been an increasing global concern with the issue of school violence. International conferences and publications have highlighted this increased attention. Reactions to this concern appear to range from the notion that it represents a ‘moral panic’ to the strong sense that there is something fundamentally wrong in our schools and communities. In the present chapter a broad overview of the field of violence, aggression and bullying will be considered. The chapter will also focus on theories underpinning school bullying. There exists in research a confusing array of terms including ‘aggression’, ‘violence’, ‘anger’ and ‘bullying’ which are sometimes used interchangeably, so the nature of these various terms will also be considered. Importantly, theories of bullying provide a significant foundation for the development of antibullying intervention programs, so it is quite important to understand the basic tenets of the various theories. Level of concern regarding school violence At an international level, media reports and an emerging body of research have drawn attention to the level of concern regarding school violence. Cohen et al. (2015) have provided a comprehensive overview of research Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 70 Theories of bullying relating to violence and bullying prevention, highlighting global concerns regarding the matter. In the United States Mulvey and Cauffman (2001, p. 797) note: ‘School violence, having been dubbed a crisis, permeates the national consciousness and media outlets.’ The degree to which the level of concern is supported by factual evidence is a matter for debate. Stephens (1997) has interpreted school crime data released by the U.S. Department of Education to indicate an increase in school violence, allied to a growing public perception. Alternatively, other researchers in the United States report a decline in school crime (e.g. Hyman et al., 1997). Interestingly, within the Australian context researchers including Leigh and Ryan (2009) have noted that youth crime rates (e.g. violent and property crime rates) have remained relatively constant through the 1980s and 2000s (see for example AIHW, 2007). They conclude that it seems unlikely that schoolrelated violence has increased markedly over this period. A more recent report (Henderson, 2012) regarding young people aged 10–17 years under youth justice supervision due to their involvement, or alleged involvement, in crime had declined by 14 percent from 2008 to 2013. However, youth from remote and rural areas and indigenous youth were over-represented in youth justice supervision. The decline from 2008 to 2013 was mainly due to a drop in the number of males under supervision. Point of interest Bullying and moral panics As noted in the discussion here, the emphasis on youth violence is occurring in the face of evidence that in many Western countries there appears to be a decline in violence. Barron and LaCombe (2005) have cited evidence that in Canada the youth charge rate for violent crime has decreased. They note that despite such evidence the Canadian general public believes that youth violence is on the increase and in particular adolescent girls’ violent behavior is ‘out of control’: ‘We argue that the recent alarm over girl violence is the product of a moral panic that has a significant impact on social, legal and educational policy making’ (p. 52). Discuss the idea of a moral panic associated with youth violence. Theories of bullying 71 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 A preamble to theories – theory building and knowledge creation As defined by The Macquarie Dictionary, a fact is ‘what has really happened or is the case; truth; reality; something known to have happened.’ Facts are very important as building blocks of science. However, just as a pile of bricks does not make a house, a collection of facts does not make a science: ‘A theory may be considered as a way of binding together a multitude of facts so that one may comprehend them all at once’ (Kelly, 1963, p.18). Shute and Slee (2015) and Slee et al. (2012) have considered the nature of theories in child development at some length. Shute and Slee (2015) have described the influence of culture on the nature of knowledge and theorizing regarding human development and the interested reader is referred to their writing on the topic. To highlight the discussion which is to follow very simplistically and inadequately, we distinguish between two important lines of thought regarding understanding the world around us. The first such outlook considered from a Western perspective attempts to understand the world in largely physical ways. The early Greek (pre-Aristotelian) philosophers’ writings reflected the view that the world around us is essentially ‘orderly’, not ‘chaotic’ and not simply subject to happenstance. For example, the philosopher Democritus (460–360 bc), who had travelled widely throughout the Middle East and perhaps Asia, distinguished between atoms and void. The atoms are infinite in number, indivisible and vary in shape, and the objects of the world come into being as a result of the collisions of the atoms (Garvey and Stangroom, 2012; Durant, 1961). This was a materialist and deterministic outlook. Following on from this line of thinking, the emergence of the Sophists in classical Greek philosophy saw a consideration that was not focused so much on ‘how’ the world was structured, i.e. atoms, but how people considered the world to be structured. As Durant (1961, p. 8) describes it, the Sophists ‘looked within upon their own thought and nature, rather than out upon the world of things.’ If we now jump forward to the late Renaissance period (the Enlightenment) in Europe we encounter the writings of a number of significant Empiricists such as Locke, Berkeley and Hume. Essentially they posited that knowledge exists outside the individual and that humans acquire knowledge from experience and through the senses. Locke (1690/1947, p. 22) argued that ‘The senses at first let in particular ideas, and furnish the yet empty cabinet, and the mind by degrees growing familiar with some of them, they are lodged in the memory.’ The rationalists, such as Descartes, Spinoza, and Kant argued that reason is more important than experience. For example, Kant, while not denying the existence of experience, identified two elements of knowledge: (i) what Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 72 Theories of bullying is given, principally through the senses; and (ii) what is proposed by the thinking person. Rationalists argue that we can be deceived by our senses, for example by perceptual illusions, and so the senses cannot be trusted to provide reliable knowledge. Knowledge then comes about in first sensing something and then imposing on it mind categories. Mind categories consist of space and time along with other entities that cannot be empirically validated, for example reality, ‘existence’. We then move forward in another large jump to post-modernism. Shute and Slee (2015) have considered the influence of post-modern thinking at some length in their book. As they note, post-modernism has its roots in the German critical-theoretical tradition (e.g. Jürgen Habermas) and French post-modernism (e.g. Jacques Derrida) along with strong elements of feminist thinking. Post-modern views of knowledge propose a very different outlook concerning the nature and development of knowledge. That is, knowledge does not ‘exist’ waiting to be discovered so much as it is ‘constructed.’ So, very simplistically, we might consider that we obtain knowledge (‘facts’) about our world in three ways: 1 2 3 through our senses; through our senses and via rational thought; by way of ‘constructing’ and actively creating knowledge and ‘facts.’ Following this albeit extremely inadequate outline of a number of streams of philosophical thought, we now turn to a consideration of theories of aggression and bullying, and we shall see reflected in these theories some of the underpinning elements of various schools of philosophy over time. Images of children and theories As outlined by Slee et al. (2012), history, culture and the philosophy of science play significant roles in shaping how we view children and families. It is possible to draw out a number of ‘images’ of children influenced by one or more of these factors including: the experiential child – shaped by the environment; the iniquitous child – inherited evil or ‘original sin’; the virtuous child – innately good and corrupted by society; the competent child – more capable than we imagine; the post-modern child – actively shaping, developing and participating in knowledge construction; the ‘wired’ child – little, if any distinction between on-line and off-line lives. These ‘images’ of children are reflected in the various theories and enacted in the nature of the interventions designed to address bullying. We begin the Theories of bullying 73 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 following discussion addressing theories and terms that are frequently confused with ‘bullying.’ Ideas for school and classroom When you think about the students in your classroom, can you identify any of the ‘images of children’ noted here that would fit? How does the image or images you have of them impact on the way you teach? Aggression ‘… Such a pleasant temper.’ ‘You can’t think how glad I am to see you again, you dear old thing!’ said the Duchess, as she tucked her arm affectionately into Alice’s, and they walked off together. Alice was very glad to find her in such a pleasant temper, and thought to herself that perhaps it was only the pepper that had made her so savage when they met in the kitchen. Lewis Carroll (1982) Defining ‘aggression’ has been challenging. The early definitions focused on physical harm. A more comprehensive definition of aggression should, however, also encompass other manifestations, for example proactive aggression, predatory aggression, defensive/offensive aggression and sexual aggression. In addition, while some of these aggressive acts may necessarily directly or indirectly lead to the physical harm or damage of things or people, some will only involve psychological harm, while others may involve no harm at all, as is the case with assertive actions to get one’s needs met. Theories of aggression In the following section a selected number of theories of aggression are briefly described and evaluated. Anderson and Bushman (2002, p. 29) report that five main theories of aggression guide research: (a) cognitive neoassociation theory, (b) social learning theory, (c) script theory, (d) excitation transfer theory, and (e) social interaction theory; and a number of these will be described in this chapter. By way of background we give some consideration to Freud’s writings regarding aggression as a way of providing a foundation for theorizing. In his initial writing (e.g. The Interpretation of Dreams, first published in 1900) aggression was regarded as subordinate to Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 74 Theories of bullying the sexual instinct. As he developed the concept of the death instinct, aggression came to be viewed as a result of the inhibition of this instinct by erotic and survival instincts. Aggression against the world and people in particular was then a result of frustration. A fuller description of Freud’s theory has been provided by the authors (e.g. Slee et al., 2012; Shute and Slee, 2015). In his book An Outline of Psychoanalysis (1939, p. 144) Freud wrote that the id contains everything that is inherited, that is present at birth, that is laid down in the constitution above all therefore the instincts, which originate from the somatic organization and which find a first psychical expression here (in the id) in forms unknown to us. The word id is Latin for ‘it.’ The id represents the source of energy that stimulates the personality. This energy is represented in the form of drives. In Freud’s view, the true purpose of the individual’s life consists of the satisfaction of the instincts. Freud identified two basic instincts: 1 2 Eros or the life instinct – sexual drive; Thanatos – the death or destructive instinct. According to Freudian theory the personality system is most stable when operating at a low level of energy. When energy increases, psychic tension may arise. A lowering of the tension of need is felt as pleasurable: an increase of it is felt as unpleasurable. The outcome according to Freud is an instinctual drive to satisfy somatic needs. Freud proposed that the id operated according to the pleasure principle. With this background we can now consider a number of theories of aggression. Frustration–Aggression theory In 1939, researchers at the Yale University Institute of Human Relations published a small monograph that has had a significant impact, directly or indirectly, on almost all of the behavioral sciences (Dollard et al., 1939). The group attempted to account for virtually all of human aggression with a few basic ideas. Their book Frustration and Aggression quickly attracted considerable attention. Dollard et al. (1939) proposed as their core assumption: ‘Aggression is always a consequence of frustration’ (p. 1). That is, (a) ‘the occurrence of aggressive behavior always presupposes the existence of frustration’, and (b) ‘the existence of frustration always leads to some form of aggression’ (ibid.). Frustration arises when a goal-directed response is blocked, although the researchers noted that not every frustration leads to aggression because the individual may fear retaliation or punishment. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Theories of bullying 75 They noted that the strength of goal-directed frustration impacting on the aggression shown was influenced by a number of aspects, including (i) the strength of the drive whose gratification was blocked, (b) the amount of interference with this drive satisfaction, and (c) the number of frustrated response sequences. Their theorizing provided an important foundation for ensuing theoretical development in the field of aggression. Social learning theory Shute and Slee (2015) have described in some detail the nature of social learning theory as developed by Albert Bandura. Social learning theory (SLT) evolved from operant conditioning. It considers the effect of observing other people being rewarded and how this shapes our own behavior. According to this theory, aggressive behavior can be learned by observing and imitating the aggressive behavior of other people. SLT was proposed by Albert Bandura, who used the term ‘modelling’ to explain how humans can very quickly learn specific acts of aggression and incorporate them into their behavior. Modelling is sometimes referred to as vicarious (indirect) learning. This works when we observe aggression in others somehow being rewarded. An example would be if a child observed two of his peers arguing over a toy. If one child gains control of the toy through force (e.g. by hitting the other child) they have been rewarded for behaving aggressively. The aggressive behavior has been vicariously reinforced for the observer and this may lead to imitation of the aggressive behavior. Cognitive neo-association theory If the reader was to pause and consider how they react when they are disturbed by a loud noise, or by extreme temperatures, they might note or recall the unpleasant or negative affect that is induced. Berkowitz (1989) developed cognitive neo-association theory to account for the fact that aversive events, such as frustrations, produce this negative affect. In turn such negative affect produced by these unpleasant experiences stimulates various thoughts, memories, motor reactions, and physiological responses associated with both fight and flight tendencies. As an outcome, feelings of anger or fear may be experienced. The fight associations give rise to feelings of anger, whereas the flight associations give rise to feelings of fear. Furthermore, cognitive neoassociation theory assumes that cues present during an aversive event become associated with the event and with the cognitive and emotional responses triggered by the event. In cognitive neo-association theory, aggressive thoughts, emotions, and behavioral tendencies are linked together in memory. Associations form when concepts with similar meanings, e.g. to harm or hurt someone, and concepts that occur simultaneously, such as stab or shoot, develop a strong association. As such, concepts with similar meanings (e.g. 76 Theories of bullying hurt, harm) and concepts that frequently are activated simultaneously (e.g. shoot, gun) develop strong associations. The outcome is aggression. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Script theory Script theory draws upon important elements of social learning theory, social information processing and observational learning in proposing that young people observe aggression in their environment and media along with its associated reinforcement, and produce ‘scripts’ as part of a cognitive schema (Huesmann, 1988). These schemas are also associated with the development of normative beliefs condoning aggression and guiding behavior about what is in the best interests of the individual. Script theory works in the following way: (i) an individual identifies a threat or danger in their environment; (ii) this results in the accessing/retrieving of scripts from memory; (iii) an evaluation is made of acceptable responses; and (iv) there is some evaluation of expected consequences of enacting a particular script. An aggressive individual is predisposed to selectively perceive cues and inappropriately attribute hostility when none exists. Information processing theory As reviewed by Shute and Slee (2015), information processing examines how animals and humans use information from their environment to direct their behavior. The early conceptions of information processing were introduced in the 1960s and 1970s, drawing upon a computer analogy of input, storage, and output. Like the computer, the human mind takes in and encodes information, acts on the information, stores it and is capable of retrieving the information and generating responses. With the development of theorizing around constructivism, the limitations of earlier informationprocessing models became apparent because they suggested that human cognition and understanding was a passive–reactive process that did not easily accommodate how individuals actively construe their understandings of a situation. Later in this chapter we outline Dodge et al.’s (1990) use of information processing theory to understand bullying behavior. Developmental theory In early childhood (infancy to the pre-school years) aggression is predominantly of a physical nature – hitting, kicking, tantrums. With the development of greater cognitive and social abilities the physicality of aggression declines in the middle school years. Children who show high levels of physical aggression during the elementary school years are at greatest risk of physical violence during adolescence and adulthood (Tremblay et al., 2005). Theories of bullying 77 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 The biopsychosocial model of aggression This model (Dodge et al., 2006) brings together elements from a range of behavioral, information processing and social information processing theories to explain the development of aggression. In doing so this model highlights the biological, social and cultural context and the experiences that the young person has with family, parents and peers. The model emphasizes the role of genetic insults, coercive family and peer experiences and exposure to media violence. Biological predispositions This is identified as a ‘distal’ factor impacting on aggression, for example males are typically more aggressive than females. There are also the risks associated with pre-inter-uterine exposure to toxic environments, e.g. lead levels or drug use. Genetics has a role to play, for example the ‘temperament’ of a child has been widely studied and indicates that children with a ‘difficult’ temperament are more prone to demonstrating aggressive behavior in understanding aggression. Sociocultural context The impact of socio-economic disadvantage on aggressive behavior, delinquency and crime has been widely studied (Slee and Skrzypiec, 2016). This element emphasizes the need to consider aggression in the context of social and cultural factors, e.g. unemployment. Early life experiences The model considers the role of parenting, for example parenting style, peer experiences such as exposure to bullying, and experiences with social institutions such as schools as contributing factors to aggressive behaviour. The argument is that the cumulative effect of such experiences is to interfere with the processing of information, ultimately resulting in dysfunctional behavior, i.e. aggression. The model proposes that genetics and pre-natal insults; life experiences that involve harsh treatment, rejection, and failure; family experiences that include poverty, neighborhood and family instability, harsh discipline, and limited parental education; and excessive early exposure to media violence all unfold in a transactional relationship during the child’s development. Many of these factors also represent negative social experiences that can lead to dysfunctional patterns of social information processing, and these information processing patterns link the broad life experiences to the individual display of aggression. This comprehensive model most effectively demonstrates the multiple points of 78 Theories of bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 convergence (e.g. observational learning, social information processing, reinforcement) in all of the major theories of aggression in childhood and adolescence. We now turn to a description of another term associated with aggression and bullying – anger. Anger Analysis of human aggression also involves some attention to the allied concept of ‘anger.’ Attempts to understand the nature and expression of anger have a long history. For example, the Stoics and in particular Seneca, wrote very compellingly on the topic. According to Seneca, anger is temporary insanity: The marks of an angry man are ... his eyes blaze and sparkle, his whole face is crimson with the blood that surges from the lower depths of his heart, his lips quiver, his teeth are clenched, his hair bristles and stands on end, his breathing is forced and harsh, his joints crack from writhing, he groans and bellows, he bursts out into speech with scarcely intelligible words, strikes his hands together continually, and stamps the ground with his feet. (cited in Holowchak, 2008, p. 137) According to Seneca, anger arises when there is a perception that one has been injured in some manner. Interestingly, he proposed that the best manner for dealing with anger is to delay one’s initial visceral response, and the best way to defuse anger is with kindness. The development of emotions: anger As described by Slee et al. (2012) the schematizing of emotional expression is a far from settled matter. Charles Darwin (1965, first published 1872) argued that emotional development is innate and not learned, documenting in his ‘baby diary’ of his son ‘Doddy’, the emergence of anger, fear, amusement and discomfort in the first year of life. In contrast the behaviorist, John Watson argued that at birth the infant’s primary emotions were love, anger and fear, and the differentiation of emotions were the result of learning. Bridges (1932) argued that at birth the infant is capable only of general excitement and emotions are differentiated from this state over time. A widely cited theoretical understanding of anger has been provided by Spielberger et al. (1983), who viewed anger from an experience and expression perspective. They make the distinction between state and trait components to anger. State anger is defined as consisting of subjective feelings of tension, annoyance, irritation, fury, and rage. Trait anger is Theories of bullying 79 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 defined as the tendency of individuals to perceive situations as annoying or frustrating. Anger can be directed ‘in’ (suppression of angry feelings) or directed ‘out’ (expressed to others or the environment). Anger control refers to the ability to manage or control angry feelings. Violence That no acceptable comprehensive theory of violence has emerged ought not to be taken to mean that progress in understanding behavior that is violent has not been made. (Denmark et al., 2005, p. 18) Violence is any aggressive act that has as its goal extreme physical harm, such as injury or death (e.g. Anderson and Bushman, 2002). All violence is aggression, but many instances of aggression are not violent. For example, one child pushing another off a bike is an act of aggression but is not an act of violence. Beineke (2016), in a discussion paper, presents the idea that interpersonal violence (which encompasses domestic violence, child abuse, elder abuse, assault, etc.) is a ‘wicked problem’, i.e. a complex issue to which there is no simple solution (see Shute and Slee, 2015 for a discussion of ‘wicked problems’). As noted at the beginning of this chapter, a significant question in Western countries such as Australia, Britain and the United States is whether violence is increasing or decreasing. Our ancestors have bred pugnacity into our bones and marrow and thousands of years of peace won’t breed it out of us. (cited in Geen, 1998, p. 317) In relation to theories of violence, various authors (e.g. Göçmen, 2007; Denmark et al., 2005) have been very pessimistic about whether such a comprehensive theory can exist. Biology, sociology and social psychological thinking have all contributed to our understanding of the field. The interested reader is referred to a scholarly discussion of the topic by Denmark et al. (2005). Nonviolence No discussion of ‘violence’ can ignore the movement of ‘nonviolence’ best associated with the names of Mohandas K. ‘Mahatma’ Gandhi, Leo Tolstoy, Martin Luther King and Henry David Thoreau, while strong lines of feminist thinking endorsed nonviolence in the early women’s movements. In Gandhi’s autobiography, Kumarappa (1952) noted that the first name given to the movement was ‘Sadagraha’ (‘firmness in a good cause’). Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 80 Theories of bullying Ghandi felt this did not capture the full meaning and corrected it to ‘Satyagraha’, where ‘truth’ implies love and ‘agraha’ (‘firmness’) implies ‘force.’ According to Ghandi, satyagraha is the force of truth and love and has nothing to do with ‘passive resistance.’ No better evidence for the effectiveness of nonviolence is found in the use of nonviolence to transform world history. For example, witness its role in the independence movement of India or its employment by Martin Luther King in the Civil Rights Movement in the United States. Summary In the preceding discussion we have described a number of terms, along with associated theories, which are used (often interchangeably) in the broad field of aggression; and we now turn to the concept of school bullying. The intention of the preceding discussion was to clearly identify the terms in order to separate them out from the concept of bullying. Theories of bullying This section will review theoretical frameworks that are typically utilized to understand and address bullying, including ethological theories, ecological systems framework, social learning, cognitive behavioral, attribution, lifestyles exposure and resilience frameworks. The complexity of bullying demands that more than one theoretical lens be used to help understand this phenomenon and to inform effective prevention and intervention strategies and programs. Ethological theories and bullying One view of bullying behavior draws on evolutionary theory, and for a more complete description of this theory the interested reader is referred to Shute and Slee (2015), who have noted that ‘Human behavior today is frequently examined through a biological lens’ (p. 28). Studies of twins, e.g. Ball et al. (2008), have identified that genetics accounts for a greater percentage of the variance for the tendency to be victimized and to bully others than do environmental factors. Volk et al. (2012) have advanced the notion that bullying has evolved as an adaptive strategy partly based on their argument that it is a ubiquitous and historically identifiable feature of cultures across the world. Whilst they acknowledge its harmful nature, they note that if it did not have some adaptive elements it would not be so commonplace, and so to simply regard it as maladaptive development is to overlook important aspects of its function. To that end they propose that bullying can be understood as serving two important adaptive functions, namely (i) survival and (ii) reproduction. From an Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Theories of bullying 81 ethological perspective, bullying may be viewed as innate or instinctual and may best be understood as a tool for achieving social dominance – particularly in adolescence – which may partially explain increased prevalence in middle-school populations. Volk et al. (2012) also distinguish between bullying and general aggression, noting that while all bullying is aggression, not all aggression is bullying. They also distinguish between types of bullying, namely ‘pure bullying’ and ‘bully-victims’, noting that the reactive aspect of bully-victims suggests that bullying in this instance may be the result of dysregulative behavior. The writings of Freud described earlier in this chapter have some interesting parallels with ethological theory. In summary, in proposing an ethological theoretical lens for bullying it may be regarded as an adaptive response in the competition for resources, dominance and survival and intended to provide an overall benefit to its users. Biology and bullying Vaillancourt et al. (2013) reviewed research in the areas of neuroscience, neuroendocrinology and genetics providing strong and convincing evidence for why and how the effects of bullying can last a lifetime. Their review concluded that bullying impacts on the brain in the same manner that a physical pain does, resulting in dysregulation of the nervous system’s neuroendocrine response to stress. Moreover, certain genetic profiles place bullied children at greater risk for poorer sequelae, including a risk of lifelong mental and physical health problems. The field of neuroscience is a multi-disciplinary one (being essentially a subdivision of biology) and offers an exciting insight into the nature and impact of school bullying. Simply put, neuroscience is the study of how the nervous system develops, its structure, and what it does. Neuroscientists focus on the brain and its impact on behavior and cognitive functions. Not only is neuroscience concerned with the normal functioning of the nervous system, but also what happens to the nervous system when people have neurological, psychiatric and neurodevelopmental disorders. Shalev et al. (2013) noted the increasing interest in discovering the mechanisms that mediate exposure to childhood stress and later-life disease, and highlighted the role of telomere erosion. Simply described, telomeres are a region of repetitive DNA at the end of a chromosome, which protects the end of the chromosome from deterioration. That is, on the end of every animal’s chromosomes are protective caps called telomeres. Without them our chromosomes would become unstable. Each time a cell divides it never quite copies its telomere completely and throughout our lifetime the telomeres become shorter and shorter as the cells multiply. Eventually, when they become critically short, we start to see age-related diseases, Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 82 Theories of bullying such as cancer. In their study Shalev et al. (2013) looked at telomere erosion as related to violence exposure (domestic violence, frequent bullying and physical maltreatment) in young children aged 5 years and re-assessed at 12 years. The findings indicated that compared with their counterparts those children who had experienced two or more kinds of violence exposure showed significantly more telomere erosion between the baseline assessment at 5 years and at follow-up at 12 years. The implications of this finding relate to later-life vulnerability to health-related problems associated with exposure to the cumulative exposure to violence (e.g. bullying) in early life. Behavioral theories and bullying A significant force in psychology for understanding and explaining behavior is behaviorism (Slee et al., 2012). An essential element in behaviorism is reinforcement, described as any consequence that increases the probability of the response reoccurring. Primary (e.g. food), secondary (e.g. previously neutral stimuli, such as a light, that acquire reinforcing properties when paired with a primary reinforcer) and generalized reinforcers (e.g. power, prestige) are the essential elements. Thus, it would be proposed that bullying another results in some ‘reward’ such as a primary reinforcement – like obtaining lunch money – or generalized reinforcement – such as gaining a sense of power or prestige. Advocates of responding to bullying with aggression (just hit them back!) are drawing on the principle of negative reinforcement to extinguish the bullying behavior. Social learning theory (Bandura, 1973) proposes that children learn aggression by observing the behavior and the consequences of that behavior for others. Closely related to modelling, this theory asserts that children who are positively reinforced or who observe others being positively reinforced for aggression are much more likely to persist in this behavior. Models provided through the mass media extend the power of observational learning far beyond the child’s immediate environment. In developing his theory Bandura credited a central role to cognitive, selfreflective and self-regulatory actions in helping explain behavior. This theoretical lens would suggest that bullying arises when there is a modelling of behavior, for example when the child sees an adult or another child behaving aggressively and imitates this behavior. Theories of bullying 83 Trends and issues Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Mirror neurons Bandura was also aware of potential biological factors influencing aggressive behavior such as genetic, bio-chemical or neuro-anatomical causes, but he neglected to pay attention to these. More recent discoveries concerning the role of biology in imitating behavior were made in the 1990s when Rizzolatti and his colleagues (2009) discovered a group of cells in the brain that they named mirror neurons. Mirror neurons become active when we see another person perform an action in the same way as if we were performing the action ourselves. They allow us to experience what others are doing and feeling and their discovery has major implications for our understanding of the social learning of aggression because it suggests that imitating behavior may be biologically based rather than psychological (the nature–nurture debate). Potentially, the discovery of mirror neurons is a major breakthrough in understanding human aggression, although research is still in its early stages Information-processing theory and bullying Information processing examines how animals and humans use information from their environment to direct their behavior. As noted by Shute and Slee (2015), the general view of information-processing theorists is that, over time, a person develops an increasingly more complex and sophisticated 84 Theories of bullying ‘computer’ (i.e. mind) for solving problems – a computer that stores more and more knowledge and develops ever better strategies for solving problems. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Social information processing and interventions to reduce bullying The best example of this application is Dodge’s social information-processing model (Crick and Dodge, 1994; Dodge, 1986) as described earlier in this chapter. In a study by Camodeca et al. (2003) the issue of bullying was investigated from the perspective of social information processing. As noted earlier in this section the general idea behind social information processing is that children differ in the extent to which they understand and interpret social situations, and that – together with past experiences and biological capabilities – these differences influence their behaviors. The general understanding is that aggressive children have a small and limited range of responses to any social problem and tend not to have nonaggressive solutions in their repertoire. Nonaggressive children who are victimized may be able to describe what they would do if they were aggressed against, but tend not to activate these responses when faced with aggression. In the study reported by Camodeca et al. (2003), both bullies and victims were found to have less assertive responses in the face of aggression but the evidence was that the children possessed the knowledge about how to respond assertively but did not readily enact these responses, generally supporting the idea that the social information-processing model may be a useful intervention strategy. Cognitive and social cognitive theories and bullying The development of children’s thinking and reasoning as they attempt to understand the nature of the world constitutes cognitive theory. Somewhat simplistically, bullying might be understood in terms of an individual’s inability to think about another. As such, bullying arises when an individual lacks the necessary skills, for example, the ‘oafish’ bully often portrayed in the media, or the idea that cognitively speaking a child who bullies another is not very socially skilled. The role of cognitive processing in bullying, however, appears to also be related to the ways in which one processes social information – raising the importance of social cognition. As noted earlier in this chapter, the environment and media, along with its associated reinforcement, produce ‘scripts’ as part of a cognitive schema (Huesmann, 1988). These schemas are also associated with the development of normative beliefs condoning aggression and guiding behavior about what is in the best interests of the individual. This approach suggests that it is the normative beliefs about the acceptability of bullying (e.g. ‘Bullying never hurt me!’ or ‘Bullying makes you stronger!’) that help condone it. Theories of bullying 85 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Point of interest As an interesting aside, the author, in unpublished research, interviewed primary school children who had been nominated by teachers as having a ‘tendency to bully others, a tendency to be victimized, and a tendency to be prosocial.’ All children were asked ‘What would you do if some-one was to bully you?’ (The author was not aware of the child’s nomination until after the interview.) It was found that: 1 2 Children nominated as bullies gave socially desirable answers to the question – e.g. ‘Tell them to stop’, but when asked what they would do if that strategy failed reported that they would ‘hit them back’ or ‘yell at them.’ Children nominated as victims generally gave the response ‘I would tell them to stop’, and when asked what they would do if that did not work would give a response such as ‘Tell a teacher.’ In fact they often gave several answers like this, but when asked if they had ever used these strategies they said ‘No.’ As previously noted, some theories suggest that aggressive behavior is a function of imitating aggressive role models (e.g. Bandura, 1978) and/or due to deficient social skills and social information processing deficits (Crick and Dodge, 1999). Such an assumption that bullying is a consequence of impairments in social skills is questionable in part because theory-of-mind (ToM) research has shown that children who bully do not seem to lack social understanding (e.g. Sutton et al., 1999). Hughes and Leekham (2004), reviewing ToM in relation to bullying, concluded that ‘developments in theory of mind transform children’s close relationships, but also highlight both the complexity of these socio-cognitive influences, and the need for more research in this area’ (2004, p. 296). Sutton et al. (1999) suggest that some bullies might be very adept at using ToM to understand other individuals in order to manipulate and organize them. This theoretical viewpoint has attracted some debate (e.g. Crick and Dodge, 1999) about whether bullying arose because the bully lacked social skills or because they were socially skilled (see earlier discussion in Chapter 3). Ecological theories and bullying As Shute and Slee (2015) have noted, social ecology has a particular focus on the social, institutional and cultural contexts of people–environment 86 Theories of bullying relationships. Urie Bronfenbrenner’s theorizing developed and promoted the significance of context and the settings in which human development occurred. These settings and contexts are as follows. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 • • • • • Microsystem. Incorporates the individual characteristics of the child and the various settings in which the child is located, e.g. family, school and neighbourhood. Mesosystem. The focus is on the inter-relationships between elements of the microsystem and contexts, for example, how a family responds to the school system and their experiences with it. Exosystem. Elements of the exosystem do not impinge on the child directly but influence the child through one of the microsystems. Macrosystem. This is composed of settings that refer to the much larger cultural or sub-cultural environment in which the child lives, and refers to the values and mores which are part of the broader environment. Chronosystem. Across the life-span, how do events such as bullying at school impact on the way a child develops? A number of researchers have applied the principles of social-ecological theory to understanding the phenomenon of school bullying. ‘Understanding factors that predict bullying behavior in school necessitates a close examination of the complex inter-relationships between the individual and the environment’ (Hong and Espelage, 2012, p. 313). The same authors have argued that ecological system theory helps understand how bullies and victims are shaped and influenced by the multiple systems of which they are part – namely family, school and community. For example, the nature of the family environment may influence how a young person experiences bullying, while in the broader context, how a school addresses the issue through policy and practice can impact on the bullying experienced, and in a still more distal sense, how the media address the issue could also have an impact. Even in terms of the chronosystem, a student’s experiences of bullying as they progress across the year levels, and perhaps transitions from primary to secondary school, can be influential. Swearer et al. (2010) have noted that there are a number of school-based intervention programs based on a social-ecological model of bullying, proposing that behavior is shaped by multiple factors within embedded contextual systems at the school, peer and individual level. Systems theories and bullying Shute and Slee (2015, p. 176) have noted, ‘there is no specific “systems theory”, but a family of theories that constitutes a very broad field of inquiry’ (Bausch, 2003). Theories of bullying 87 Minuchin (1985) has summarized the principles of systems theory. A system (e.g. a family) is an organized whole, with each part of the system interdependent with the other parts. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 • • • • • Patterns are circular, not linear. That is, the basic unit is the cycle of interaction, not a search for causation. A system has some stability of patterns. Evolution and change are a part of open systems whereby information is exchanged. Complex systems are made up of subsystems, e.g. mother–father, child–child. There are boundaries between subsystems. From a systems perspective the individual is an interdependent, contributing part of the system that controls his or her behavior. The P.E.A.C.E. Pack as described in Chapter 3 is a systemically based intervention (Slee, 2001). The program itself provides a framework for schools to assess the status of their anti-bullying policy in relation to policy and grievance procedures, curriculum initiatives and student social support programs. Ideas for school and classroom Think about how you or other teachers in your school address bullying incidents. What theory and/or view of children is reflected in the approach? For example, are incidents of bullying addressed using ‘time out’ (behavioral) or are the students taught to think about their bullying behavior with a view to helping them develop new strategies (cognitive)? Summary In this chapter we have considered the contribution that theories have made to understanding the phenomenon of bullying. Importantly, we highlighted how views of knowledge and knowledge creation impact on theory building as linked to our views of children and childhood. As the reader would know, the field of bullying is troubled by a plethora of terms and concepts which are often used interchangeably. To this end we have considered the nature of many of these terms, such as aggression, violence, and anger, before we turned to a consideration of theories of bullying. We concluded by noting that theoretical underpinnings are important to understand because they 88 Theories of bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 influence the nature of interventions, and we have provided examples of theories are used to explain bullying behavior. Guidelines for school practice In this chapter we have considered concepts such as ‘aggression’ and ‘violence’ and the characteristics that differentiate them. We have also considered a number of mainstream theories of bullying. One of the important elements of evidence-based practice underpinning interventions is the extent to which an intervention is supported by strong relevant theory. Rigby and Johnson (2016), in a national study of Australian schools’ approaches to bullying, discovered that schools used a wide variety of: (i) proactive approaches (e.g. school policy, peer support); and (ii) reactive measures (e.g. sanctions). Review the nature of your school’s approach to addressing bullying and the extent to which it is informed by theory. What have you learnt? 1 Identify the key components of the biopsychosocial model of aggression. ________________________________________________________ 2 Describe in your own words what a ‘theory’ is. ________________________________________________________ 3 True or false? (i) Early definitions of ‘aggression’ focused on physical harm. (T/F) (ii) According to Sigmund Freud, the ‘id’ is the seat of human instincts inherited at birth. (T/F) (iii) According to frustration-aggression theory, ‘aggression is always a consequence of frustration’. (T/F) (iv) Acording to social learning theory, aggressive behavior can be learned by observing and imitating the aggressive behavior of other people. (T/F) Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Theories of bullying (v) The biopsychosocial model of aggression brings together elements of range of behavioral, information processing and social information processing to explain the development of aggression. (T/F) (vi) From an ethological perspective, bullying may be viewed as a tool for achieving social dominance. (T/F) 4 Describe how ‘Theory of Mind’ (ToM) can be used to explain why some children might bully others. ________________________________________________________ 5 ‘First-order’ and ‘second-order’ change are elements of which theory? (a) behavioral theory (b) information processing theory (c) social systems theory Activity Nonviolence training based on Ghandian and Kingian principles embraces the steps of: 1 2 3 4 5 6 gathering information – gathering information about the violent event from all angles whilst avoiding jumping to conclusions; education – sharing information amongst all involved; personal commitment – committing oneself to solving the conflict; negotiation – the parties involved meet and discuss the conflict in an open minded fashion; direct action – taking steps in a forceful manner, e.g. noncooperation, peaceful demonstrations, civil disobedience; reconciliation – negotiating a win-win solution for all parties. How readily could these six steps (or variations) be introduced to your students? 89 90 Theories of bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 References AIHW (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare) (2007). 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Furlong (eds), The handbook of school violence and school safety: From research to practice (pp. 257–273). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Tremblay, R. E., Nagin, D. S., Séguin, J. R., Zoccolillo, M., Zelazo, P. D., Boivin, B., Pérusse, D., and Japel, C. (2005). Physical aggression during early childhood: Trajectories and predictors. Canadian Child Adolescent Psychiatry, 14(1), 3–9. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Theories of bullying 93 Vaillancourt, T., Hymel, S., and McDougall, P. (2013). The biological underpinnings of peer victimization: Understanding why and how the effects of bullying can last a lifetime. Theory Into Practice, 52(4), 241–248. Violence Prevention Alliance (2010). Definition and typology of violence. Geneva: World Health Organization. Retrieved from www.who.int/violenceprevention/ approach/definition/en/ index.html Volk, V.A., Camilleri, J. A., Dane, A. V., and Marini, Z. A. (2012). Is adolescent bullying an evolutionary adaptation? Aggressive Behavior, 38, 222–238. Chapter 5 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 The developmental course of bullying Key terms: psycho-social model; normative misbehavior; bullying trajectories; externalizing and internalizing disorders; attachment; temperament; parenting style Introduction Shall I tell you what the real evil is? To cringe to the things that are called evils, to surrender to them our freedom, in defiance of which we ought to face any suffering. Lucius Annaeus Seneca Bullying behavior can often be observed between very young children, for example between siblings in a family context. This is distinct from ‘conflict’ which may arise over a struggle for possession of a prized toy and cease when the issue of ownership has been resolved. When a more powerful child persistently and deliberately seeks to hurt another, this can legitimately be called bullying. In this chapter an examination will be made of the developmental course of bullying, following through to middle school and secondary school. Particular consideration will be given to same-sex and cross-sex bullying. To this end large-scale survey findings of Australian school students will be presented. The implications of this understanding for school and classroom teaching will be expanded upon. Related to a discussion of the developmental course of bullying, consideration will be given to sibling bullying and the role of the family. The developmental course of bullying 95 In early reported research from Australia the following information regarding the extent of being victimized in Australian schools involved approximately 24,478 primary and secondary students from 60 Catholic, independent and public schools around Australia. The self report data collected between 1993 and 1996 from students aged 8–17 years old involved 13,987 males and 10,491 girls. The data was collected using the Peer Relations Questionnaire (PRQ) (Rigby and Slee, 1993) developed in response to teachers’ requests for a standardized method of assessing the nature and extent of school bullying. In gathering data anonymously, care was taken to differentiate between bullying in which there was a perceived imbalance of power, and other aggressive acts such as fighting and quarrelling between equals. Ideas for school and classroom To what extent does your school adapt its policy and grievance procedures to the age of the students? Frequency of victimization data are recorded in Figure 5.1 from over 24,478 Australian students from 60 schools and provide the basis for the following broad conclusions regarding the extent and nature of victimization in Australia. 60 Percent victimized once/wl or moe Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Frequency of being victimized across year levels 50 40 30 20 10 0 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 Age in years of Australian students males 15 16 17 females Figure 5.1 Incidence of victimization according to age: students reporting being victimized ‘at least once a week or more’ in 60 co-educational schools in Australia (males =13,897, females = 10,491) 96 The developmental course of bullying Table 5.1 Percentages of Australian students reporting bullying others alone ‘some-times or often’ Males Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Could you join in bullying? Yes Have you bullied in a group? Yes Females Primary Secondary 11.5 6 5 11 6 3 4 5 Overall, as noted in this early research, between one in five and one in seven students reported being bullied once a week or more. As seen in Figure 5.1, victimization is more frequently reported by younger students, and girls generally report less victimization than boys. In secondary school the amount of bullying is highest in years 8 and 9 (12–14 years of age). The pattern of results found in the national data provides a basis for the development of school intervention programs. Students self-reported extent of bullying others In an unpublished study Rigby and Slee (1995) reported student responses to the extent to which they reported bullying others. The following information regarding the extent of bullying others in Australian schools is based on research involving approximately 8,793 primary and secondary students from Catholic, independent and public schools around Australia. From Table 5.1 it can be seen that boys report that they could ‘join in bullying another child’ more than girls, and that secondary students are more likely to report that they could bully another child than primary school students. Research into self-reported victimization and bullying: a deeper examination More recent Australian research by the author has collected data from 9,839 students from 37 schools around Australia. The schools were from the public, Catholic and independent sectors. The following deeper analysis of this data base reports findings on self-reported victimization and bullying of others. In Figure 5.2 the data are given for students reporting they have been ‘seriously’ victimized (i.e. ‘once a week or more often’). Consistent with the earlier research published by Rigby and Slee (1992), the youngest students were reporting the highest frequency of bullying, with declining levels of victimization across primary and secondary schools. The developmental course of bullying 97 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 17.9 28.3 22.8 Year 3 and less Between year 4 and year 7 Year 8 and above Figure 5.2 Self-reported victimization ‘one a week or more often’ of Australian students Bullying others In this same study by the author relation to students’ reports of bullying others there is an apparent rise in the incidence of bullying from junior primary to secondary school (See Figures 5.3 to 5.5). Again, this is very similar to the pattern presented in the earlier research by Rigby and Slee (1992). Overall, the present findings of a decrease in self-reported victimization across childhood to adolescence are consistent with other research findings (Pellegrini and Long, 2002; Smith et al., 2001). Various explanations for this decline include the fact that, for example, in Australian secondary schools students are mixing with many different cohorts of students as they move from subject to subject in the course of the day, which contrasts with primary schools where students are typically in the same class with the same students all day. It is also possible that students are learning more coping skills as they progress through school. 4.4 3.6 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 17.4 74.4 Yes, definitely Yes, perhaps I don’t think so Definitely not Figure 5.3 Students reporting they could join in bullying others – Year 3 and less 4.7 14.5 48.2 32.6 Yes, definitely Yes, perhaps I don’t think so Definitely not Figure 5.4 Students reporting whether they could join in bullying others – Year 4 to Year 7 The developmental course of bullying 99 11.1 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 20.9 29 39 Yes, definitely Yes, perhaps I don’t think so Definitely not Figure 5.5 Students reporting whether they could join in bullying others – Year 8 and above Point of interest Pepler et al. (2006) used a psycho-social model (see Chapter 4) to help explain the significant biological and social changes that occur in adolescence and the impact of such changes on psycho-social development. As the authors note, ‘We expected that pubertal changes in early adolescence are reflected in the emergence of sexual harassment as a form of aggression used to gain power and control. We expected some sex differences in the various forms of bullying’ (p. 377). The expectation was that changing social relationships in same-sex and mixed-sex peer groups would be associated with bullying in romantic relationships. They further noted that power and control may be demonstrated in terms of physical aggression and also psychologically. In relation to self-reported bullying of others, there is a trend towards higher levels of bullying. The trend of an increase in bullying as youngsters make the transition from primary to secondary school is consistent with findings reported by Pellegrini and Long (2002) but inconsistent with Olweus’s national samples in Sweden and Norway. Pellegrini and Long (2002) propose that the increase Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 100 The developmental course of bullying in bullying in later years (secondary school) arises because during transitions, ‘aggression is often used in the service of establishing status with peers, in the form of dominance relationships’ (Strayer and Noel, 1986). From this view, bullying is viewed as a deliberate strategy used to attain dominance as youngsters enter a new social group (p. 260). In summary, in a review of the literature Salmivalli (2010) concluded that for non-victimized bullies there is some support for the proposal that their bullying is a quest for high status – that is for being respected, admired, and dominant. Bullying amongst very young children Most studies of bullying in schools have emphasized middle childhood and adolescence, while as Vlachou et al. (2011) have noted, there is little empirical evidence concerning the matter in the early childhood years. There are a number of challenges which face researchers studying bullying amongst the very young, not the least of which are limitations to the use of questionnaires and surveys. Additionally, there are challenges concerned with very young children’s cognitive understanding of the distinction between fighting and bullying, and rapid changes in their social and emotional development. As noted earlier in this chapter, recent research amongst Australian children aged 7 years and less found that 28 percent report being seriously victimized and over 4 percent report they could ‘definitely’ join in bullying someone. Very early research reported by Slee (1994) involving interviews with 90 kindergarten children aged from 5 to 7 years found that over 23 percent reported being bullied ‘once a week or more often.’ The most frequently reported form of bullying by kindergarten children was physical (18.0 percent), being called names (8.7 percent) and being left out of things (4.7 percent). As part of the interviews children were shown three stylized faces (Figure 5.6). They were asked to point to the face to indicate how they felt after the bullying event. Typically (i.e. 48.8 percent of) the young children pointed to the saddest facial expression while the remainder generally pointed to the ‘neutral’ facial expression. A small number pointed to the ‘happy’ facial Figure 5.6 Stylized facial expressions Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 The developmental course of bullying 101 expression, suggesting they might have misunderstood the question or were confused about what the word ‘bullying’ meant. Kirves and Sajaniemi (2012) report that systematic bullying occurs among Finnish day-care children aged 3–6 years; their findings showed that 12.6 percent were directly involved in bullying. They note that 2.2 percent of children involved in bullying were categorized as both bullies and victims and that many of the children who were bully-victims (39.1 percent) were children with special education needs. In their 2011 review of research pertaining to bullying amongst very young children, Vlachou et al. (2011) concluded that young children can be the ‘perpetrators and victims of both direct and indirect peer aggression’ and that ‘children of this age are capable of displaying different forms of bullying such as verbal, physical, social exclusion and rumor spreading’ (p. 335). Normative misbehavior: the importance of addressing bullying amongst young children An important caveat concerning addressing bullying amongst young children is the very real risk of unduly labelling children, with all the associated unfortunate consequences. In considering the issue of bullying amongst young children there is no doubt that early childhood is characterized by rapid developmental change (Slee et al., 2012) and consequently many parents and professionals believe that early socialemotional and behavioral problems are developmentally transient (e.g. the ‘terrible twos’) and likely to diminish as children grow older. However, this view conflicts with a growing body of evidence that for a small group of especially vulnerable children some early-emerging social-emotional and behavioral problems persist (e.g. see review by Briggs-Gowan et al., 2006). Briggs-Gowan et al. (2003), in reviewing the literature, have noted that despite differences in children’s ages and length of follow-up, the clinical literature reports persistence rates for externalizing disorders in the range of 40–56 percent and for internalizing disorders it is in the range of 23–57 percent. In a prospective nine-year longitudinal study, Pihlakoski et al. (2006, p. 413) reported that ‘parent-reported problem behavior at age 3 predicts problem behavior in preadolescence among both boys and girls.’ Indeed, Stafford et al. (2003) observe that, contrary to common belief, the fact that children are undergoing rapid developmental change does not necessarily mean that their socio-emotional problems are transient; and that while some symptoms do decrease or disappear over time, some symptoms clearly do endure, while others change over the course of development. Lederman et al. (2004) emphasize the fact that early emotional and behavioral problems significantly alter a child’s mental health trajectory, putting these children on what they refer to as a ‘pathogenic path.’ Other researchers have noted that such a path risks compromising their ability to 102 The developmental course of bullying build healthy relationships, whilst impeding their cognitive, linguistic and regulatory abilities (Bricker et al., 2004). Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Young children’s description of bullying Research (e.g. Smith et al., 2002) has suggested that young children do not easily distinguish between bullying and aggression, and indeed the elements of power imbalance, repetition and intent are not readily appreciated by older children and adults. In contrast Kirves and Sajaneimi (2012) report that among Finnish day-care children aged 3–6 years bullying was recognized by the children as distinct from quarrelling, suggesting that further research is needed to clarify this point. The ‘physical’ nature of the bullying (‘conflict’) reported by young children (e.g. Slee, 1994) may reflect the understanding of what children think constitutes bullying, but could also reflect developmental features in light of emerging language skills and ability to self-regulate. As already mentioned in this chapter, the apparently higher rates of bullying reported by young children may actually reflect children’s differing understanding of what comprises bullying. That is, younger children may report aggressive, nonbullying incidents such as fighting as being bullying whereas older children are more discriminating over the types of incident they report as bullying. Any account of pre-school children’s understanding of the nature of bullying should consider the nature of their cognitive development during this period. Trends and issues Bullying trajectories As described by Nagin (1999, p. 139), ‘A developmental trajectory describes the course of a behavior over age or time.’ In focusing on groups within a population, ‘Such clusters might include groups of “increasers”, “decreasers”, and “no changers”.’ Pepler et al. (2009) found four different trajectories for bullying throughout adolescence (i.e. high, moderate and desisting, moderate stable, and low). Reijntjes et al. (2013), in a study of bullying from late childhood to early adolescence, reported three groups of trajectories: consistently low, high and declining over time, and consistently high over time. The research relating to trajectory analysis has particular implications for the development of interventions. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 The developmental course of bullying 103 It is also clear that young children’s social and emotional development is undergoing rapid change. They are transitioning from the family to broader social networks, acquiring social skills which are being refined in play and friendship making. As Slee et al. (2012) have described it, developmental achievements during this period include significant cognitive and social change – for example in language acquisition, development of symbolic functions, and the robust development of a sense of ‘self’ and personal identity. An important identifiable feature of the pre-school child is egocentrism, that is the tendency to concentrate on a single feature or a limited portion of a task or event and to ignore other meaningful elements. As such the pre-school child might well focus on a single aspect of bullying such as its hurtful nature whilst ignoring whether the act has been repeated or whether the other child(ren) intended the act. Reflection Do you think young children are capable of distinguishing between bullying and other forms of aggression? Assessing bullying amongst young children As previously noted there are significant challenges associated with assessing bullying in pre-school children related to their cognitive and social development. Research on bullying among older school children is typically based on self-, peer- and teacher-reported questionnaires. However, the use of questionnaires is inappropriate for young children so alternative methods such as interviews or teacher and care-giver observations are more generally used (e.g. Slee, 1994). Alsaker and Nagele (2008) used photographs of all the children in the class and the researchers asked each child to nominate children who bullied others and to indicate the targets of these aggressive behaviors. Approached in this more developmentally appropriate fashion they report that young children could more easily identify who were the targets of bullying. 104 The developmental course of bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Ideas for school and classroom Teachers and child-care workers might like to consider some of the alternative ways of collecting information from young children through the use of drawings, storytelling, etc., and consider their use in their work situation. The family environment and bullying amongst young children Although the young child is increasingly coming into contact with others outside the home and spending time in the care of others, the family and primary care-givers are still the focus of a good deal of their daily life. In this section a number of risk and protective factors associated with bullying amongst young children will be considered, namely attachment and parenting style, family conflict and sibling bullying. Attachment Infants are born directing behaviors such as crying, clinging, smiling (preliminary attachment behaviors) to human figures, which in turn elicits responsive behaviors from the care-givers. The outcome of these precursory attachment behaviors is to bring the care-giver in close proximity to the infant, helping to ensure care, safety and protection. The essential argument put forward regarding attachment is that the emotional bonds established in infancy form the basis of attitudes and behavior patterns in later adult life, particularly in terms of their relationship with others. Bretherton et al. (1974) assessed infant attachment with a standardized ‘strange situation’ assessment method whereby infants’ behavior was observed following two brief separations from their care-givers in a familiar and pleasant room. Maternal sensitivity was defined as the mother’s ability to read and respond appropriately to her infant’s non-verbal behavior. Three types of attachment behavior were identified: 1 2 3 Type A, avoidant Type B, secure Type C, ambivalent. Types A and C reflect insecure attachment. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 The developmental course of bullying 105 Generally the research suggests that the quality of attachment is related to the extent to which children will later attempt to explore and master their world. Securely attached infants will engage in more active exploration than will those who are less securely attached. Similarly, the degree of attachment also influences the emergence of the child’s sense of self (self-concept). More securely attached infants appear to be more effective help-seekers, more cooperative and more able to relate to others emotionally than their less securely attached counterparts. Troy and Sroufe (1987) have reported a very interesting study concerning the relationship between a child’s attachment history and a tendency to ‘victimize’ others at 4–5 years of age. They found that at 5–6 years of age children with an avoidant attachment history were more likely to be victimizers than securely attached infants. They were ‘hostile, anti-social and socially and emotionally isolated from others.’ Monks et al. (2005) in their examination of young children aged 4–6 years, reported that preschool victims did not have insecure attachment qualities, as found with middle-school victims, and were mostly securely attached (p. 14); but that nearly two-thirds of aggressors were insecurely attached. Parenting style In reviewing the literature, Sallquist et al. (2010) found that mothers who displayed relatively high levels of positive emotion with their children had children who displayed more positive emotion during peer interactions. In turn these positive peer interactions are likely to enhance children’s social competence. Based on a four-year longitudinal study, the same authors report that ‘early interactions with mothers may set the stage for their [children’s] positive emotionality’ (p. 818). There is an emerging body of evidence highlighting the significant role of the family in teaching children how to regulate their emotions. Morris et al. (2007), in a review of the literature regarding how individuals express and manage emotions, found that one could ‘establish a firm link between family factors and children’s emotional regulation.’ Quality of parenting In a review of the literature, Lugo-Gil and Tamis-LeMonda (2008) identified three features of parenting that have been acknowledged as promoting positive outcomes in young children, namely: 1 2 3 sensitivity cognitive stimulation warmth. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 106 The developmental course of bullying Parenting sensitivity refers to parents’ awareness to their children’s cues, emotions, interests, and capabilities in ways that balance children’s needs for support with their needs for autonomy. Cognitive stimulation refers to parents’ didactic efforts to enrich their children’s cognitive and language development by engaging children in activities that promote learning and by offering language-rich environments to their children. Parents’ warmth refers to parents’ expressions of affection and respect toward their children. Types of parenting style In early research Baumrind (1966) identified three different types of parenting style, namely authoritarian, authoritative and permissive. According to Baumrind, both authoritarian and authoritative parents are directive and have clear expectations about how their children should behave, but authoritarian parents are dictatorial and unbending. Such parents have rules that they expect their children to follow. Permissive parents, on the other hand, exercise little control over their children. Simply put, the characteristics of the three types of parenting style are as follows: Authoritarian parents Permissive parents Authoritative parents The parents’ word is law. Misconduct is punished. They make few demands on their children. They favour a democratic style of child-rearing. Relationship between parenting styles and aggression in children Kawabata et al. (2011), in a meta-analytic review of the relationship between relational aggression in young people and parenting styles, concluded that: • • • More positive parenting was associated with less relational aggression. More harsh parenting by mothers and by fathers and more uninvolved parenting by mothers, or absent fathers, were associated with increased relational aggression. Paternal psychologically controlling parenting was positively related to relational aggression, whereas maternal psychologically controlling parenting was not. Dake et al. (2003) focused specifically on bullying and parenting style, noting that there was a strong association between authoritarian parenting style and the tendency to bully, while the tendency to be victimized was associated with an ‘intrusive’ parenting style. Bowes et al. (2010), in a nationally representative sample of twins, concluded that: Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 The developmental course of bullying 107 A calm, well-structured environment at home may help to alleviate symptoms of stress and provide security to children experiencing stressful events outside the home environment. The effects of maternal warmth and a positive atmosphere at home on behavioral adjustment appear to be particularly important for boys compared to girls. (p. 815) Point of interest Bowes et al. (2010) have noted that positive and warm family relationships and home environments help to buffer children from the negative outcomes associated with bullying victimization. Warm parent–child relationships can exert an environmentally mediated effect on children’s behavioral adjustment following bullying victimization. The authors further note that a calm, well-structured environment at home may help to alleviate symptoms of stress and provide security to children experiencing stressful events outside the home environment. Siblings and bullying In early research Richman et al. (1982) reported that conflictual sibling relationships at 3-4 years of age was predictive of aggressive behavior at 8 years of age in the same children. Bowes et al. (2010), in the twin study reported above, investigated the protective role of family factors on children’s emotional and behavioral development following experiences of bullying victimization. In this large-scale, nationally representative sample, they concluded from their research that ‘Siblings can make a unique contribution to bullied children’s adjustment over time, perhaps by fulfilling the social needs of children and providing an additional source of support’ (p. 815). Cross-gender aggression Research in the more broadly defined field of aggression has begun to address the issue of cross-gender aggression. Crick et al. (1996) found that students aged 9–12 years agreed that the commonest form of cross-gender aggression was the verbal insult. Paquette and Underwood (1999) asked young adolescents to provide examples of various types of aggressive incidents they had suffered: over 20 percent of boys and over 30 percent of girls gave cross-gender examples. Although physical aggression directed at boys was almost always from other boys, in nearly half the incidents of Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 108 The developmental course of bullying physical aggression towards girls, boys were the perpetrators. Furthermore, the frequency of being subject to social aggression impacted more strongly on girls than boys, being more strongly negatively correlated with various aspects of self-concept. Early research (e.g. Russell and Owens, 1999) has shown that although boys are less socially aggressive to same-sex peers than are girls, when boys are aggressive to girls they display more social aggression, especially in the older high-school age group. Also, girls sometimes recruit boys to participate in socially aggressive vendettas against other girls (Owens et al., 2000a). Researchers have speculated that for boys, within their large, loose groups, hierarchy and dominance issues lead to physical aggression and verbal abuse; by contrast, girls are more likely to hurt others through attempts to disrupt their closer, more intimate relationships with other girls (e.g. Crick, 1995). This speculation has been directly investigated, within adolescent girls’ groups, by Australian researchers (Owens et al., 2000a; 2000b; 2000c; Shute et al., 2008; Shute and Slee, 2015). The reasons girls gave for social aggression included group processes concerning intimacy and acceptance. Witnesses often failed to defend victims, or even joined the aggression, unable to resist the power of the group and fearful of becoming the next victims. Uncovering such detail about perceptions of group processes is crucial for devising appropriate interventions (Owens et al., 2001). Perceptions of physical bullying by gender In 2003 a community-based study by the author of 1,479 Australian highschool students from five schools provided a number of insights into the nature of same-sex and cross-sex aggression. Students respond to four Likert questions (5 point ‘never’ to ‘very often’) asking how often it (e.g. being hit/ kicked) has happened to them from somebody of the same sex and opposite sex. Overall, this study showed in relation to physical bullying that adolescents held different perceptions of the nature of behaviors directed at same-sex and opposite-sex students. The findings from this analysis are presented in Figure 5.7. These results indicate that: Physical bullying. 1 male to male physical bullying is the most common; 2 female to male physical bullying is more common than male to female. Overall, as predicted, males engage in more physical bullying than females but females physically bully males more often than males physically bully females. The findings generally complement the previous research of Bjorkqvist et al. (1992) and Owens and MacMullin (1995), i.e that males both perpetrate and receive more physical (and verbal aggression) than The developmental course of bullying 6 109 5.61 Physical bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 5 4 3.83 3.57 3.12 3 2 1 0 Male−male Male−female Female−female Female−male Figure 5.7 Same sex and cross sex physical bullying females, and females receive more social aggression than males. In terms of cross-sex aggression an interesting picture emerges, with females directing more physical aggression to males than males to females. In devising interventions to reduce the harmful effects of cross-gender aggression, it is vital to understand why boys perform these behaviors. As Shute et al. (2008) have noted, during adolescence cross-gender social contact becomes more prominent than in childhood, providing more opportunities not only for cross-gender friendships and romantic relationships, but also for cross-gender victimization. Boys’ perspectives, as well as those of girls, must therefore be sought. That boys’ and girls’ views differ is already apparent from the fact that girls report a higher prevalence of girl to boy aggression than vice versa (Owens and MacMullin, 1995). Similarly, Shute, Owens and Slee (2016) found that some behaviors that girls view as bullying are seen as ‘harmless fun’ by boys. Understanding such differing perspectives is crucial for informing the content of prevention/ intervention programs. In Australia, research within sociological and feminist frameworks and in the educational literature has long highlighted the importance of broad cultural influences – such as male–female power differentials – on boys’ victimization of girls, especially through sexual harassment (e.g. Gilbert and Gilbert, 1998). Rigby (1998) has speculated that boys may bully to impress girls; it is also possible that they aim to impress other boys. In considering victimization of girls by boys, sexual harassment may seem an obvious issue, especially in the early high-school years, when girls may be particularly sensitive to victimization based on their developing bodies and sexuality; Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 110 The developmental course of bullying indeed, even in preadolescence, a relationship has been found between girls’ perceptions of sexual harassment and their body esteem (Murnen and Seabrook, 2012). Bretherton et al. (1994) suggest that boys are socialized to believe they have power over females and have observed that even young boys sometimes use sexual aggression against girls and women. Martino (1997) interviewed Australian adolescent boys about their views of masculinity, and concluded that status is conferred by some peers on boys who display a particular type of heterosexual masculinity which involves denigrating ‘anything that smacks of femininity’ (p. 39). Martino noted that such social and cultural practices limit the personal choices of both sexes. The sexual harassment literature is a separate one and, in stark contrast to the individualistic approach of the aggression/bullying literature, broad societal influences are seen as central. The importance of gaining an understanding of boys’ perspectives is essential, since male attitudes to violence contribute to resistance to preventive initiatives (Shute et al., 2008). Trends and issues In their study of Swedish adolescents, Randell et al. (2015) identified two main categories of ‘masculinity’: (i) gender-normative masculinity, and (ii) that of non-gender-normative masculinity. They noted that ‘Boys who adopt gender-normative masculinity tend to conform to the social norms of the group and follow the rules that govern behavior and expressions about what is considered appropriately masculine (or feminine)’ (p. 5). Within the category of ‘gender-normative masculinity’ there were two orientations – toughness and sensitivity. Non-normative masculinity includes the sub-category of orientation towards sincerity where the boys emphasized their individual masculinity and their own value base. Summary In this chapter we have considered the developmental course of bullying, emphasizing the need for policy and practice to take this aspect into account in helping young people cope. In this regard the family has an important role to play, particularly in establishing a warm, caring and nurturing environment for young people. Siblings are an important part of the family and the issue of sibling bullying is only now being addressed. As part of the developmental course as young people move from childhood to The developmental course of bullying 111 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 adolescence, the accompanying physical, emotional, cognitive and social changes give rise to a number of other issues, for example sexual victimization. Guidelines for school practice Shute et al. (2016, p. 16) have noted that ‘Adolescent girls’ experiences of victimization by high school boys are examined incompletely or not at all in most aggression research, which neglects the sexual component that emerges strongly in other literatures.’ Shute et al. (2016), in a series of studies and publications since 2000, have noted that sexually victimizing behaviors: • • • can be understood within a culture where boys are socialized to believe that they have power over females; take place where power is unequal and gendered; take place when boys’ aggression towards girls has the function of ‘keeping girls in their place’ and where that aggression contributes to a social climate supporting the behavior of the minority of identifiable bullies. The question then arises as to what extent your school or organization has policies and procedures in place to address sexual victimization. What have you learnt? 1 Describe what the term ‘normative misbehavior’ means: ________________________________________________________ 2 Describe what the term ‘developmental trajectory’ means: ________________________________________________________ 3 True or false? (i) Infant behaviors such as crying, clinging, or smiling are examples of attachment behavior. (T/F) Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 112 The developmental course of bullying (ii) Bullying can be viewed as a deliberate strategy used to attain dominance as youngsters enter a new social group. (T/F) (iii) All evidence points to a decline in the frequency of bullying across primary to secondary school. (T/F) (iv) ‘Avoidant’, ‘secure’ and ‘ambivalent’ are all types of attachment behavior. (T/F) (v) ‘Authoritarian’, ‘authoritative’ and ‘permissive’ are all types of parenting style. (T/F) 4 Describe the association between parenting style and the tendency to bully others and be victimized. ________________________________________________________ 5 Describe how male–female power differentials may contribute to boys’ victimization of girls. ________________________________________________________ Activity Owens et al. (2007), in a study of young adolescent boys’ explanations for their victimization of girls, identified the following themes: • • • • impressing other boys, gaining acceptance from the group; fun/entertainment; impressing girls and flirting; revenge. Use these themes as a basis for a discussion involving staff and/or students as to the the veracity of these reasons and to identify any additional reasons. What are the implications for interventions to address cross-sex victimization? References Alsaker, F. D. and Nagele, C. (2008). Bullying in kindergarten and prevention. In W. Craig and D. Pepler (eds), An international perspective on understanding and addressing bullying. PREVNet series (vol. I, pp. 230–252). Kingston: PREVNet. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 The developmental course of bullying 113 Askew, S. (1989). Aggressive behaviour in boys: To what extent is it institutionalised? In D. A. Tattum. and D. A. 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Chapter 6 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 School, classroom, community and bullying Key terms: whole-school approach; school and classroom climate Introduction 2 things that I learned in school: 1. How to whisper 2. How to look like Im [sic] thinking. (Anonymous) In this chapter the concept of a ‘whole-school approach’ to anti-bullying programs provides a foundation for an evaluation of classroom and school climate and involvement of parents. Particular consideration will be given to teacher–student relationships, parent–student relationships and school– community relationships as contributing factors to school climate, and their significance and role in addressing bullying will be outlined. Richard et al. (2012), in a large-scale study of French schools, reported that their findings generally supported the theory (see Chapter 4) that bullying was situated within a larger relational and ecological context. Their findings indicated that there was some evidence to support a link between positive social climate within schools and reduced incidence of bullying behaviors, and that positive teacher–student relationships and broader relationships in general played a key role in the lower incidence of bullying. School climate Van Horn (2003) identified that a basic definitional consideration is whether climate is viewed as a property of schools (otherwise referred to as a ‘setting level’) or a subjective perception of the school by students and care-givers (otherwise referred to as an ‘individual level’) and this is an important Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 118 School, classroom, community and bullying distinction to understand. Horn further notes that the general consensus is that climate is a ‘property of the school’, experienced through the individual’s interactions with the school. However, the alternative view is that it is more of a psychological property of the individual and their subjective perception of the school. This distinction has important implications for the issue of definition and measurement of the concept. While there is no doubt that the matter of school climate is on the agenda of school authorities, the field is challenged by the twin issues of how best to define the concept and how best to assess or measure the concepts. In an overview of the field, Haynes et al. (1997) defined school climate as ‘the quality and consistency of interpersonal interactions within the school community that influence children’s cognitive, social, and psychological development’ (p. 322). Shortcomings with this definition have been addressed in relation to expanding it to include safety (Cohen et al., 2009) and the physical environment (Wilson, 2004). It is generally understood that school climate refers to key elements of: • • • safety, e.g. safety from bullying; school environment, e.g. rules and consequences; engagement, e.g. student connectedness. Reflection How do you recall the ‘climate’ of the school you attended in relation to the points above? School climate – a broad measure and its link with bullying In a large-scale study of Australian school students conducted by the author (n = 9,136) individuals from primary and secondary schools reported on their experiences of being victimized at school and their liking for schools (proxy item for school climate). In Figure 6.1 the students’ responses are provided. From Figure 6.1 it can be seen that 66.7 percent of the students report liking school ‘some’ or ‘all/most’ of the time. In all 21.0 percent report they do not like school (‘not at all/not much’). Consideration was then given to the relationship between ‘liking for school’ as a proxy school-climate measure and the student’s self-reported experience of victimization. School, classroom, community and bullying 12.3 119 7.3 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 13.7 36.1 30.6 Not at all Not much Some of the time Most of the time All of the time Figure 6.1 How much do you like school? Victimization and liking for school In the same research data base referred to above, 22.3 percent of the students reported that they were victimized ‘once a week or more often.’ This figure is not inconsistent with that reported in earlier research (e.g. Rigby and Slee, 1999). A significant negative correlation was found such that those who were victimized most liked school the least. The effect was greatest for females and for secondary school students (i.e. those 12 years of age and more). As such, it could be claimed that victimization at school is associated with a more negative perception of school climate. Bullying others and liking for school In the same large-scale sample students were also asked if they could ‘bully someone they did not like’, bully another in a ‘group’, bully another by ‘themselves.’ Significant positive correlations were found between selfreported bullying of others if they did not like someone, in a group and by themselves, and under all three conditions bullying of others was associated with a dislike of school. The effect was strongest for males and in secondary school for all three conditions. Importantly, it appears that the dislike of school and the tendency to bully others is quite strong and very apparent amongst Australian secondary school students. In summary then, it appears from these findings that both being victimized at school and bullying others is associated with a dislike of school (a negative Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 120 School, classroom, community and bullying perception of school climate). This finding supports earlier research (e.g. Forero et al., 1999; Schnohr et al., 2006). It is likely that victims and bullies dislike school for different reasons. Thus, as established in Chapter 3, victims certainly report feeling significantly ‘unsafe’ at school. It was clearly established in Chapter 2 that they are also ‘unpopular’ and ‘generally disliked’ by other students. Under these circumstances it is little wonder that they dislike school. Students who bully others were noted in Chapter 2 to be sociometrically popular, although this does not also mean they are well liked by at least some other students. To understand this disjunction we need to appreciate that folklore and media frequently portray bullies as boorish, belligerent individuals, possessing poor relationship skills (one theoretical viewpoint outlined in Chapter 4). This leads generally to the conclusion that such individuals are in need of social skills training. An alternative and far less understood portrayal is that bullies are in fact somewhat popular, socially manipulative individuals who in fact possess some insight into the nature and conduct of social relationships. As reported by Slee (1998), while bullies and victims are more disliked than prosocial students, bullies were found not to be isolated individuals but to enjoy a level of support from a small coterie of peers. As such, being liked by at least some classmates could explain why some bullies continue in their negative behaviors. The discussion now turns to a consideration of the nature of school and classroom climate and some of the issues associated with these concepts as they relate to bullying. Trends and issues In a large-scale national study of Israeli junior high and high school students, Berkowitz and Benbenishty (2012) drew attention to the heightened vulnerability of ‘students identified as “bully-victims”.’ This group of students ‘reported the lowest levels of teacher support and feelings of security and missed school because of fear significantly more often.’ The researchers called for more attention to be given to developing school-based interventions appropriate for this group. School climate and school bullying One of the salient school-climate factors involved in bullying behavior is the social support individuals receive from both adults and peers at school (Demaray and Malecki, 2003). The researchers report that students who feel disconnected from significant others (e.g. teachers, peers) may be less Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 School, classroom, community and bullying 121 likely to act in a cooperative and prosocial manner. In particular, the researchers discovered that victims and bully-victims attached more importance to social support than bullies and perceived that they received less of such support from their school. This all leads to a negative perception of school climate. As such, it is important to distinguish between ‘types’ of bullies – e.g. bullies, bully-victims – in order to assess the social support they have and whether this is related to negative perceptions of school climate. Ideas for school and classroom To increase students’ sense of belonging many schools are now creating informal opportunities for students to meet, sit or talk during recess and lunch breaks. For example, primary schools have peer supporters (who may wear hi-vis vests in the play areas) looking out for those students who may be spending time alone, and seeking ways to engage students in social activities such as chess clubs or music clubs. In secondary schools they look to create ‘café style seating’ in school yards. 122 School, classroom, community and bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Classroom climate: teacher–student relationships There is generally widespread agreement that like school climate, every classroom has a unique ‘climate’, and efforts to understand and examine its impact on learning are rooted in a century of research. Earliest measures of climate emphasized teachers’ verbal behavior (e.g. Anderson and Brewer, 1945) but over time expanded to include both structural (e.g. rules, organizational, authority) and affective (i.e. interpersonal relationships among teachers and students) features of the social environment (e.g. Trickett and Moos, 1973). As has been noted, ‘the tremendous complexity and dynamic nature of classrooms warrant equally complex measurement sufficient to capture the delicate interplay of instruction, relationships, and behaviors that comprise the classroom environment’ (Frazier et al., 2015, p. 2). Generally speaking, positive climates describe classrooms with clear rules and high achievement expectations that promote caring, respect, cooperation, and emotional safety. Negative climates describe classrooms characterized by inconsistent rules, punitive discipline, and low expectations that minimize collaboration, reduce motivation, and allow disrespect, negativity, and bullying. Reflection If you were to recall and describe the classroom climate of a school you attended, what words would you use? The effects of the supportiveness or stressfulness of the student–teacher relationship on students’ learning and well-being has been reported extensively in research covering the early childhood years (e.g. Pianta, 1994), and in various studies covering early adolescence (e.g. Cattley, 2004; Murray-Harvey and Slee, 2007). Research has identified that females and males and younger and older students differ in their experience of school, particularly in terms of relationships with teachers. For example, findings from Cattley (2004) in Australia and Klem and Connell (2004) in the United States point to students perceiving teachers as being most supportive in the primary years, with a significant decline in the early secondary (middle) years of school. Supportive teacher–student relationships are known to provide a protective buffer that mitigates negative effects; that is, teachers can build the resilience capabilities of ‘at risk’ students. Teachers, through their actions can create and set expectations for respectful and inclusive behavior, and provide Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 School, classroom, community and bullying 123 success-oriented classroom environments and learning experiences (Forlin and Chambers, 2003 ; Serdiouk, Berry and Gest, 2016). Murray-Harvey and Slee (2010) have argued that teachers are clearly in a strong position within the classroom context to have a significant impact on students’ lives at school beyond the obvious, that is, on academic learning. It may seem self-evident to those who are aware of, and knowledgeable about, the links between wellbeing and learning, that positive relationships between teachers and students are an essential ingredient in optimizing the students’ overall experience of school. However, it is likely that the direct connection between teacher relationships with students and bullying in particular, and between relationships and students’ social/emotional well-being in general, is still under-represented and undervalued. Students (particularly older students) are reluctant to report bullying to teachers, claiming that adults frequently make matters worse (Owens et al., 2004). The challenge then for teachers and other adults in the school community is to build trusting relationships. In fact, the development of a positive classroom climate has been identified as an important factor in reducing bullying (Yoneyama and Rigby, 2006). Point of interest Yoneyama and Rigby (2006) make the point that there is a difference between the classroom climate experienced by students in primary schools and students in secondary schools. In the Australian schooling system at least, primary school students would generally have the same teacher for lessons every school day, in the same classroom and with the same classmates. However, in secondary schools, their different subject choices means that students are typically changing teachers and classrooms on a regular basis throughout the day and spending time with a range of different classmates. In these circumstances it is possible that students can feel less engaged and supported at school. While the policies and practices to address well-being issues are widespread, the imperative that schools attend to well-being in its broadest sense aren’t necessarily endorsed without question. There are key groups (e.g. teachers) who would contest the assertion that it is the role of schools to meet the full range of students’ social, emotional, physical and spiritual well-being needs. Instead they would contend that their role is primarily to ‘teach subjects’ and ‘teach students’ by focusing on learning (cognitive) dimensions of well-being. Certainly, at face value, this sounds reasonable, particularly since the findings from this study (Yoneyama and Rigby, 2006) indicate a clear connection of Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 124 School, classroom, community and bullying a flow-on effect from the quality of learning outcomes for students to social/ emotional adjustment. At the same time, it is equally clear from the author's research findings that the teacher–student relationship/well-being connection is a powerful one. It seems that teachers who argue against a responsibility to ‘be in relationship’ with their students are either unaware of, or devalue their student–teacher relationship role in influencing students’ well-being, whether it be narrowly conceived to affect learning performance or more broadly considered to influence social/emotional outcomes. ‘The invisible hand of the classroom teacher’ Early adolescents who report lower levels of teacher support and higher levels of stress in their relationships with teachers also report lower levels of socio-emotional adjustment and higher levels of involvement in bullying both as a bully or a victim (Murray-Harvey and Slee, 2010). In a special issue of the Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology on teachers and classroom social dynamics, Farmer et al. (2011) argue that teachers influence peer relationships directly by imparting information about social rules, and also indirectly, as an ‘invisible hand’ that guides how children form their own rules and norms within their peer groups. Their research points to teacher behavior as a very important moderator in influencing students’ peer relationships in the classroom. Point of interest Mayer (2002) identified the variables that ‘appear to contribute to punitive school environments that promote antisocial behavior’ (p. 85): 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 an over-reliance on punitive methods of control; unclear rules for student deportment; lack of administrative support for staff, little staff support of one another, and a lack of staff agreement on policies; academic failure experiences; students lacking critical social skills that form the basis of doing well academically and relating positively to others, such as persistence on task, complying with requests, paying attention, negotiating differences, handling criticism, and teasing; a misuse of behavior management procedures; lack of student involvement; lack of understanding or appropriate responding to student differences. School, classroom, community and bullying 125 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Interventions in the school, classroom and community In this chapter we have emphasized that bullying is a relationship problem – relationships with peers, teachers and parents (Murray-Harvey and Slee, 2010). In Australia a number of school–community interventions have been implemented by the author, and one of these will be described as a basis for outlining a process and providing evidence for the efficacy of the school– community partnership approach. In highlighting bullying and coping with bullying in terms of a community the implications for schools and teachers will be made apparent. In the following section we will describe the development of the P.E.A.C.E. Pack program, arising as it did from a number of community-focused anti-bullying interventions. Community-based prevention and intervention to reduce bullying The following case study of a community-based intervention will be used to identify particular guidelines for the development of community-based programs to reduce bullying. Bullying: a community-based intervention This two-year South Australian community intervention program to reduce bullying in schools was funded by the Attorney General’s Department and coordinated by the Crime Prevention Officer at Charles Sturt Council in Adelaide, South Australia. Participating community organizations included schools, the police department, the Catholic Education Office, the Department of Education, Training and Employment, the Department of Human Services and Flinders University. Representatives from these organizations met regularly to coordinate an intervention program in a primary and secondary school, which had volunteered to be involved. Significant features of the program included: • • • efforts to create a safer school climate by redesigning physical aspects of the school playground; consulting broadly with students, teachers, parents and community representatives such as the police on the issue of conflict, conflict resolution and protective behaviors; actively engaging the community in the program in order to address perceptions of school climate. 126 School, classroom, community and bullying Overall results for the primary and secondary school The interventions led to: Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 • • • • a reduction of self-reported school bullying in both the primary and secondary school; greater awareness of the issue in the school community, including teachers, parents and students; increased confidence in student awareness of how to cope with bullying; increased awareness by students of how to report bullying. Conclusion At the conclusion of the two-year study it was noted that bullying is a community – i.e. multi-agency – issue, not just a school issue. Collaboration with the community is necessary, namely with the crime prevention committee, police, schools, parents, students and community help groups. The challenges concerned how best to bring the various parties together, identify set goals collect and analyze the data. The intervention highlighted the important role of school climate in addressing bullying. Following on from this community-based study the primary school opted to continue with the program and further develop actions to address bullying; the findings from this study coordinated by the author will now be presented. Background to the primary school program to address bullying The author had previously conducted and evaluated strategies for intervening in school-based initiatives to address bullying (Slee, 1994; 1996). The findings reported here relate to the primary school involved in the initial study described earlier. Data are reported for findings from a one-year and three-year school intervention involving in all 954 students, comprising 458 males and 496 females ranging in age from 5 years to 13 years old. Data were collected each year using a purpose-designed pre- and postquestionnaire developed with classroom teachers (with a version adapted for use with junior primary students using very simple language and illustrations) to collect data including demographic information, for example on gender; and on students’ experience of bullying, including frequency and effect and whether and to whom they would report any bullying, along with their coping skills. The post-test questionnaire had a number of questions relating to whether the students had experienced more or less bullying during the course of the intervention. Each questionnaire contained a description of bullying read out to students by the adult administering the questionnaire. The questionnaire provided School, classroom, community and bullying 127 important information about student perceptions of the school climate, for example regarding safety. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 One-year primary school evaluation For junior primary students (5–7 years old), 17 percent of boys and 19 percent of girls reported being bullied ‘less’ after the year-long intervention. Gains were generally made across the junior primary population, with an increase in young students reporting: • • • • they could not join in bullying others (+ 4 percent); knowing more about how to stop bullying (+ 18 percent); knowing more about who to talk to if they were being bullied (+ 13 percent); and they felt safer from being bullied (+ 22 percent). As such the anti-bullying intervention was important in improving important elements of school climate. Overall, for the primary school students (aged 8–12 years), 29 percent of boys and 20 percent of girls reported being bullied ‘less’ after the year-long intervention. Gains were generally made across the primary school population with, on average, students reporting that they would know more about how to stop being bullied and who to talk to. And the gains were generally equivalent for males and females (Slee, 2006). Three-year primary school evaluation In a separate three-year study involving the same primary school, with students followed up across two additional years, on average 32 percent and 33 percent of students reported being ‘bullied less’ across the three-year period respectively. Findings from this study support the value of developing and involving the ‘Student Representative Council’ (SRC) as part of the antibullying intervention. The suggestion is that it is the ownership of antibullying initiatives by the student body and the broader community that has influence. This school had entered the program because of specific concerns by teachers regarding the school climate, aspects of which contributed to a high level of school bullying. The school had no policy or grievance procedure in place regarding school bullying. Students were actively involved by teachers in developing and launching policy and grievance procedures and the school adopted a community-wide intervention program involving parents and community services such as the police. For example, the police community liaison unit ran sessions for the students on protective behaviors. On launching its policy to the community, the students had helium balloons released carrying anti-bullying messages far and wide. The of 128 School, classroom, community and bullying P Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Identification of key staff to run the program Feedback to school regarding surveys at staff meetings Surveys/interviews of students, parents and staff Inservicing of key staff in policy and practice E Developing policy and grievances procedures Feedback to school Second survey evaluation and celebration Implementation of lesson plans Ongoing monitoring of the program E Integration of a review process into staff, planning days at beginning of each year A Integrating the P.E.A.C.E. program with other school initiatives e.g. peer mediation C Launching of policy involving students, staff and parents Time frame: 1 year to 18 months Development of lesson plans across the curriculum Parent information night Figure 6.2 Schematic representation of the P.E.A.C.E. Pack program symbolism this particular component was that school bullying is indeed a community issue. As an interesting aside, several of the balloons were carried up to 100 kilometres away and messages of support for the school’s initiative were sent in by members of the public upon finding the balloon messages. The interventions described here provided the basis for the development of the P.E.A.C.E. Pack program developed in consultation with community organizations, schools, teachers and the students themselves. The theoretical foundations for the P.E.A.C.E. Pack program have been described in Chapter 3. The framework for interventions using the P.E.A.C.E. Pack is presented in Figure 6.2 and further details are available at www.caper.com.au Preparation In this first stage emphasis is on gathering information regarding the nature of school bullying. As highlighted in Figure 6.2, key elements include: • • Identification of key staff or a ‘champion’ to run the program. Information gathering regarding the nature of school bullying, for example from relevant national and international websites like NSSF (National Safe Schools Framework). School, classroom, community and bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 • 129 Consideration of the collection of data using surveys, observation and interviews. Reflection What do you know about the legal situation for schools regarding bullying? Access some of the resources on the author’s website (www. caper.com.au/). Action to take Identify written resources, e.g. books, websites, video material addressing the issue of bullying. Establish a small working party including teachers, parents, students and community representatives to consider the issue of bullying in your school and what needs to be addressed. Ideas for school and classroom Take the quiz on the author’s website to assess your understanding of bullying (www.caper.com.au/). Education Having prepared with some basic information about the topic of bullying, the next step involves educating others about the issue and collecting information upon which to base an intervention program. Education may occur through: • • • • a review of school policies and procedures for addressing bullying; direct observations; interviews; anonymous surveys. (See Chapter 8 for an overview of methods for assessing bullying.) 130 School, classroom, community and bullying What is the status of current school policy/ practice regarding the issue of bullying? Has the issue of bullying been addressed at school level? Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 YES NO What action or further action is needed? further action needed no further action needed How is bullying dealt with? What records are kept of bullying? What further action is needed? What policy is in place to deal with bullying? What grievance procedures are in place? How effective are the procedures? In addressing the types of questions presented in the flow chart some idea will be gained of school practice regarding bullying. Possible discussion activities • At a school seminar or in a working group consider the various answers to the questions in the flowchart. • Prepare an action plan in relation to the various questions in the flowchart. Figure 6.3 A flow chart of current school practice to review anti-bullying policy The review of current school practice regarding bullying should provide an understanding of school policy and the nature of the action needed to address the issue of bullying. A review of current school practice regarding bullying The process of ‘education’ often begins with the simple step of talking to others about their experience of bullying, their understanding of the issue and their beliefs about what should be done to resolve such a conflict. In the school situation enquiries can be made about current school practice regarding the issue. The flow chart (see Figure 6.3) provides some indication of the questions that can be asked of current school practice regarding the issue of bullying. Collecting information In Chapter 8 we consider at length details of procedures and methods by which data can be collected about bullying, including: (i) observations, (ii) interviews, and (iii) surveys and questionnaires. These might be considered to be the ‘traditional’ forms of data collection but as discussed in more detail in Chapter 8, there is a range of other methods including photovoice and network analysis, along with sociometric procedures which provide information on school bullying. School, classroom, community and bullying 131 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 At this next stage information is provided to staff, students and parents regarding the impact of bullying on the school community. Feedback and in-servicing is provided in terms of: • • the findings from the data gathered; how the information will inform policy and practice in the school community. Action to take Conduct a school, parent or teacher survey on the issue of bullying, involving the students in preparing, conducting, analyzing and presenting the findings. Ideas for school and classroom Read some of the research listed on the author’s website (www.caper. com.au/) or read Slee et al. (2012) for practical strategies for data collection. Action The third step in the P.E.A.C.E. process involves identifying the action that can be taken to address bullying at school by staff, students and parents. From a systems perspective, action should engage the various sub-systems of the school environment including students, parents, teachers and community service providers. Students Australian research cited in Chapter 1 indicates that most school students are opposed to bullying, although this does not mean that they would automatically help a student being victimized. As noted in Chapter 1, research involving over 9,000 students by the author showed that 49 percent of junior primary students, 32 percent of primary school students and 16 percent of secondary students believe that their teachers should stop school bullying. This finding begs the question of how schools and teachers convey that the issue of school bullying is a concern of everyone. Interestingly, the perception that bullying is ‘none of my business’ (the bystander effect) increases with age. Involving the students in action to reduce bullying should have the general aims of: 132 • • • Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 • • School, classroom, community and bullying raising their awareness of the issue; alerting them to school policy and grievance procedures; involving them in the development of policy and implementation of school programmes to reduce bullying; generating the idea that the students are part of the solution to the problem of bullying; creating a safe environment in which students can discuss and report bullying. Parents Based on Australian research involving 433 parents referred to earlier (Slee, unpublished), guidelines for involving parents in an intervention program should consider that: • • • • Most parents (78 percent) believe schools should have a policy dealing with bullying and most parents want to be involved or consulted in the development of such policy. Parents will be angry (32 percent) or concerned (44 percent) to find their child involved in bullying. Parents, particularly of older children, may not be aware that their child is being bullied. Parents expect the class teacher (47 percent) to be able to give the most practical advice on dealing with bullying. Involving the parents in action to reduce bullying should have the general aims of: • • • • educating parents about the school policy and grievance procedures regarding bullying; communicating in writing the procedures involved should their child be involved in an incident either as a bully or victim; involving them in the development of policy or implementation of programmes; informing parents of how they should approach the school with any concern about bullying. Prospective teachers In a 2015 unpublished study by the author of 240 Australian undergraduate teachers in their final year, consideration was given to elements of their understanding of school bullying. School, classroom, community and bullying 1 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 2 3 133 Understanding regarding strategies for dealing with bullying: Satisfactory – 9.52 percent Somewhat satisfactory – 80.95 percent Unsatisfactory – 9.52 percent Personal capability for dealing with bullying: Very capable – 0 percent Capable – 71 percent Not very capable – 29 percent Should information on school bullying be part of your pre-service training? Yes – 100 percent No – 0 percent Unsure – 0 percent. Overall the on-line survey showed that prospective teachers felt generally unprepared for addressing school bullying and felt that information on school bullying should be part of their pre-service training. Teachers In an unpublished case study of one Australian school by the author (1994) of the 85 teachers 24.7 percent reported feeling professionally ‘informed’ about bullying and 21.7 percent felt ‘very capable’ of dealing with school bullying. The following points are drawn from the author’s research in schools and indicate that in relation to bullying, teachers: • • • • • typically underestimate its incidence; express confusion about how to define bullying; are confused about the need to develop policy; are unsure about how to deal with bullying episodes; are looking for direction from school management for dealing with bullying. Involving teachers in action to reduce bullying should have the general aims of: • • • • helping them understand their own attitudes about the issue; focusing their attention on the classroom and school response to bullying; clarifying policy and sanctions against bullying; clearly identifying the grievance procedures to follow when an incident is reported and providing training to deal with bullying. 134 School, classroom, community and bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Teachers can respond in very different ways when confronted with bullying (Burger et al., 2015). They may, for example: • • • • ignore the bullying; resort to using an authority-based approach; use a restorative justice approach; strengthen and support the victims, for example through counselling. Action at all levels of the school system is needed to effectively address school bullying. Research by the author involving over 9,000 Australian students indicates that students attribute responsibility for stopping bullying to teachers (see Chapter 1). Fear of retribution by other students is a strong factor in preventing students from helping someone being victimized. The challenge is how we can best use this knowledge to develop school interventions. Coping In the P.E.A.C.E. Pack, ‘coping’ is considered in terms of ‘ABC’ (Attitude, Behavior, Curriculum). Research conducted by the author in schools with a low incidence of bullying will be cited here. Attitude Consistent with a systemic approach, the longer term aim is the development of an attitude/ethos within the school/community which openly and directly addresses the issue of bullying. In the P.E.A.C.E. Pack, schools with a low incidence of bullying had a vision/mission statement which captured a positive vision for the school, with an emphasis on creating a safe, caring community where bullying was sanctioned against. Policy statements in these schools: • • • • • • were developed and often driven by the students (student voice); reflected student, staff and parent views; emphasized the responsibility of the whole community in addressing bullying; clearly defined bullying in simple plain language terms; were actively communicated to the community, e.g. through school newsletters; were subject to regular review and evaluation. Behaviors Schools with a low incidence of bullying had clear behavioral strategies in place in terms of: School, classroom, community and bullying • Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 • • • • • 135 grievance procedures for recording, reporting on and following up incidents; clearly identified sanctions against bullying; positive reinforcement of prosocial behavior; specific strategies for monitoring ‘hot spots’ where students felt ‘unsafe’ from bullying; specific programs in place for teaching social skills, e.g. peer mediation, peer support, student representative councils; training for staff members who received credit for addressing the issue. Curriculum Australian research indicates that constructive discussion of the topic of bullying is relatively easy to initiate amongst primary students and even amongst secondary students. About one third are eager to discuss the issue (Rigby and Slee, 1999; Slee, 2006). To that end lessons may be developed around: • • • • language arts – designing posters, writing/reading stories; maths – developing and evaluating school surveys; health/physical education – examining the impact of bullying on student well-being; class meetings – running class discussions which address student concerns and action which can be taken or presenting at school assemblies on the issue. Action to take Use the P.E.A.C.E. Pack flow chart to evaluate the state of current school practice (see ‘The P.E.A.C.E. Pack: A program for reducing bullying in our schools’ or the website [www.caper.com.au]). Evaluating (and celebrating) It is important to find opportunities to celebrate the accomplishments of the whole-school intervention program. This helps all members of the school community understand what the school is doing to address bullying. Action to take • • • • • announcements of progress at school assemblies; class letters identifying ideas and accomplishments; school newsletters; parent information nights; open days and displays at the school and local shopping centres. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 136 School, classroom, community and bullying In relation to policy development, there is strong evidence to suggest that school bullying is a significant element of students’ learning environments, which directly impinges on their health and well-being (see Chapters 1 and 2). While schools have a duty of care to fulfil, the issue of intervening to reduce school bullying is best understood within a broader community context. Bullying is seen as detracting from the social capital of the community. Ideas for school and classroom The author has noted some innovative ways for schools to celebrate their anti-bullying success, including : • • • a secondary school setting up an ‘anti-bullying booth’ at their school sports day and inviting students and visitors to suggest their practical strategies for addressing bullying; a primary school designing an anti-bullying poster as part of their art lessons and displaying it in hallways and changing rooms; a secondary school media teacher helping students script, perform and film an anti-bullying DVD which was then shown at a school parent–teacher night. Summary In the preceding section we have described in some detail the development of a systemically based intervention program by the author. Having described the P.E.A.C.E. Pack program in some detail, consideration will now be given to its use in national and international interventions in schools. International studies of the P.E.A.C.E. Pack Internationally, aspects of the P.E.A.C.E. Pack have been translated into Japanese and the program implemented in a number of Japanese middle schools (Taki, 1997). In the Japanese year-long school-based interventions, implementation of the program has produced: • • • positive changes in ‘happiness at school’ in Year 7 (3 percent) and Year 8 (27 percent); positive changes in attitude leading to the view that bullying is wrong, in Year 7 (12 percent) and Year 8 (4 percent); a reduction in bullying (exclusion) of 13 percent in Year 7 and 29 percent in Year 8. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 School, classroom, community and bullying 137 The preliminary findings from the Japanese intervention study using the P.E.A.C.E. Pack suggest that it is possible to adapt it cross-culturally to successfully intervene to reduce school bullying. Further adaptations of the P.E.A.C.E Pack program are described in Chapter 9. Overall, as noted by Stevens et al. (2000), outcomes of school anti-bullying intervention programs have produced effects ranging from very strong to almost negligible. The P.E.A.C.E. Pack interventions resulted in about one fifth of students in the overall sample reporting that they were being bullied ‘less’ as a result of year-long interventions. In developing the resource, the explicit intention was not to provide a rigid, lock-step process for addressing school bullying. Rather, the purpose was to provide a resource that was adaptable to the sociocultural background of the school. Much remains to be done in order to understand the dynamics underpinning a successful intervention program, particularly in a cross-cultural setting (see Chapter 9 and Slee, Skrzypiec, Cefai and Fabri (2016)). The experience of working to adapt the program cross-culturally leads the author to conclude that historical, social and cultural factors impact significantly on the understanding and awareness of the issue of school bullying. To that end significant implications emerge in relation to the development of intervention programs, in that they should be contextualized and not simply replicated from one school, or from one country, to another. Significantly, more research into the topic is needed to better inform ‘best practice’ intervention programs and avoid embracing illfounded programs designed to meet a short-term political or social agenda. Increasingly, school communities are taking up the challenge of examining bullying in a broader systemic sense (Slee, 2013). This involves more of a ‘bottom up’ approach aiming to engage both students and parents and reach out to the wider community, including welfare and law-enforcement agencies, and involve them in the development of community-based anti-bullying programs. Schools are also taking up the challenge of carefully examining their ethos and culture in the context of a socially critical curriculum as a means for reducing bullying. Summary School bullying is an issue that crosses individual, school, community, state and national boundaries. Its impact and effects are indeed far-reaching and now well documented and substantiated in the psychological research. Significantly, it has now crossed the boundary of what was once regarded by some, if not many, as ‘acceptable’ social behavior. Outpourings in the media may thus be regarded as simply reflecting the significant voice of current individual and community concern regarding the issue. In the light of available evidence-based research, the P.E.A.C.E. Pack provides guidelines for setting in place a program which would enable a community to argue that it had indeed fulfilled its duty of care to prevent bullying. In acting in the best interests of those deemed to be most vulnerable, the community would be seen to be fulfilling broader civic, social and moral imperatives. 138 School, classroom, community and bullying Guidelines for school practice Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Table 6.1 Teacher’s checklist for student engagement Behavior Yes No Reluctance to participate in class activities Skipping classes Inability to concentrate Decline in academic performance Hostility to teacher’s authority What have you learnt? 1 Describe in your own words what ‘school climate’ is. ________________________________________________________ 2 Describe in your own words what ‘classroom climate’ is. ________________________________________________________ 3 Describe what is meant by the ‘invisible hand of the teacher.’ ________________________________________________________ 4 True or false? (i) Students who feel disconnected from significant others (e.g. teachers, peers) are likely to act in a cooperative and prosocial manner. (T/F) (ii) ‘Negative climate’ describes classrooms characterized by inconsistent rules, punitive discipline, and low expectations. (T/F) (iii) Parents generally believe the school principal will provide them with the most practical advice on addressing bullying. (T/F) (iv) Teachers typically underestimate the incidence of bullying. (T/F) 5 Describe the advantages of a community-based approach to bullying prevention. ________________________________________________________ School, classroom, community and bullying 139 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Activity It is generally understood that ‘school climate’ refers to key elements of: • • • safety, e.g. safety from bullying; school environment, e.g. rules and consequences; engagement, e.g. student connectedness. How would you asses your school or your child’s school according to these criteria? References Anderson, H. H. and Brewer, H. M. (1945). Studies of Teachers’ Classroom Personalities: Dominative and Socially Integrative Behavior of Kindergarten Teachers, Volume I. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Berkowitz, R. and Benbenishty, R. (2012). Perceptions of teachers’ support, safety, and absence from school because of fear among victims, bullies, and bullyvictims. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 82(1), 67–74. Burger, C., Strohmeier, D., Sprober, N., Bauman,S., and Rigby, K. (2015). How teachers respond to school bullying: An examination of self-reported intervention strategy use, moderator effects, and concurrent use of multiple strategies. Teaching and Teacher Education, 51, 191–202. Cattley, G. (2004). The impact of teacher–parent–peer support on students’ wellbeing and adjustment to the middle years of schooling. International Journal of Adolescence and Youth, 11, 269–282. 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Chapter 7 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Students ‘at risk’ of being bullied Key terms: bullying; victimization; SEND; autism; Asperger syndrome; gender; sexting Introduction If we are to achieve a richer culture, we must weave one in which each diverse human gift will find a fitting place. Margaret Mead In this chapter we consider students who are vulnerable or ‘at risk’ in relation to bullying and victimization. Research relating to children with autism spectrum disorders will be considered with particular reference to school-based intervention programs. Some bullying targets an individual’s gender, and in this chapter consideration will be given to research which has addressed this matter. The discussion will focus on opposite-sex and samesex bullying. A significant field of research concerns students who identify as Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Questioning (LGBTQ) and this body of work will be discussed. Special needs and disabilities (SEND) Many individuals could be considered to have a learning disability, meaning that they are not able to acquire a skill (for the author it is singing in tune!) as easily as others, or are clumsy and physically un-coordinated. Some very famous people have learning disabilities For example, Whoopi Goldberg has been diagnosed with dyslexia, and Daniel Radcliffe (of Harry Potter fame) has been diagnosed with dyspraxia (neurological motor planning disorder). Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Students ‘at risk’ of being bullied 143 Presently, the term ‘disability’ is used in most Western jurisdictions to encompass students with intellectual and developmental disabilities, autism spectrum disorders, speech and/or language disabilities, and physical and sensory disabilities. In addition, there are a range of specific learning difficulties such as dyslexia, dyscalculia and non-verbal learning disability, and an array of emotional and behavioral disorders. In practice young people with a ‘disability’ or with ‘special needs’ are grouped together in educational policies and protocols. For example, the UK’s Department of Education provides the following explanation for parents: Children and young people with SEN [Special Education Needs] all have learning difficulties or disabilities that make it harder for them to learn than most children and young people of the same age. These children and young people may need extra or different help from that given to others. (DFE, 2014, p. 7) A similar perspective prevails in Australia. The Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority (ACARA, 2012), which seeks to ‘support all Australians to become successful learners, confident and creative individuals and active and informed citizens’ (p. 4), acknowledges that some students require additional support to achieve these goals. This group of students are deemed to have ‘special education needs’. In this chapter, we use the phrase ‘students with special educational needs and disabilities’ (SEND) to encompass both those students currently considered to have a disability according to more restrictive eligibility-based definitions, and those who are not, but are likely to have identifiable needs for additional educational support. Approximately one in twelve Australian children (8.3 percent) are identified as having a disability. In the Australian schooling system close to 89 percent of those are educated full time or close to full time in mainstream schools (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2006). The idea of ‘mainstreaming’ generally refers to the practice of educating students with special needs in regular classes during specific time periods based on their skills. In the United States, according to the 1975 ‘Education of All Handicapped Children Act’, all children with special education needs must be educated in the ‘least restrictive environment’, which generally means the regular classes at school. Other terms that may be preferred include the idea that schools and classrooms need to cater for learner diversity, with the idea of differentiating the curriculum for learners with diverse needs. 144 Students ‘at risk’ of being bullied Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Ideas for the school and classroom Look around your school and classroom and make an audit of the accommodations that are made for SEND students. These may involve environmental modifications, e.g. ramps for ease of wheelchair access or use of larger lettering for important notices, or social items such as inclusion of success stories of SEND students in the school newsletter. In the last two decades there has been a proliferation of studies showing that students with special needs and disabilities (SEND) are at risk of poor psycho-social and mental health outcomes (e.g. Davies, 2005; Terras et al., 2009). For example, Kaptein et al. (2008) estimated that the prevalence of mental (ill-)health problems in children with intellectual disabilities ranged from 30 percent to 60 percent. This is a stark contrast to the 14 percent prevalence of mental health difficulties in the general adolescent population (Sawyer et al., 2007) which, while certainly alarming, is significantly less than that reported for students with an intellectual disability. In Australia, as part of the evaluations of a national mental health initiative for primary school children, an examination was made by the author of the mental health of students with a disability. Based on Goodman’s (2001) Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ), amongst the primary school children it was found that children without a disability had a one in eight chance of developing mental health problems, compared to children with one disability who had a one in three chance. Children with more than one disability had a one in two chance of developing mental health problems (Dix et al., 2010). The Kids Matter early childhood study (Slee et al., 2012b) found that approximately 84 percent (81–87 percent) of young children without a disability were identified as being in the normal range of mental health, with about 16 percent (13–19 percent) being in the borderline of abnormal ranges of mental health. For children with one disability, the prevalence of mental health difficulties increased to approximately 26 percent (23–30 percent). These findings suggest that young children without a disability have a one in six chance of experiencing mental health difficulties (being in the borderline or abnormal range), children with one disability have a one in four chance, while children with multiple disabilities have a one in two chance of experiencing mental health difficulties (Dix et al., 2013). Students ‘at risk’ of being bullied 145 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 School bullying and SEND students Skrzypiec et al. (2016) investigated the subjective well-being, mental health, school satisfaction, and self-reported victimization, of students with SEND. Just over half (50.6 percent) of students without self-identified (si) SEND reported that they had ‘never’ been bullied, while a further 31.8 percent reported that they had been bullied less than once a week. The comparable bullying figures for students with siSEND (Self Identified SEND) were just over one third (37.5 percent) who had ‘never’ been bullied and 35.7 percent who had been bullied less than once a week. Students who report being bullied about ‘once a week or more often’ are considered to have been ‘seriously bullied’ (Slee, 1998). Following this delineation, over one quarter (26.8 percent) of students with siSEND, compared to nearly one in five (19.2 percent) students without siSEND reported being ‘seriously bullied’ at school. Furthermore, 8.4 percent of students with siSEND compared to 5.4 percent students without siSEND reported being bullied ‘most days or every day’ of the week. Autism spectrum disorder One particular group of young people consistently identified with SEND are those with autism spectrum disorder, which also includes those diagnosed with Asperger syndrome which usually refers to children considered to be ‘high functioning’ in as much as their speech may not be so impaired and they may demonstrate a particular gift or talent. Broadly speaking, the umbrella term of ‘autism spectrum disorders’ was utilized to cover a number of pervasive developmental disorders, for example, autism and Asperger syndrome, and did not operate as a diagnostic category in and of itself. However, under the most recent edition of the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5) (2013) the range of disorders has been collapsed into one diagnosis of Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD). Clinically significant disordered development in social communication skills is a core characteristic of ASD. Generally, the term autism spectrum disorder refers primarily to students with autism and Asperger syndrome, unless research has been specific to one particular student group.As referred to earlier, both autism and Asperger syndrome are developmental disorders, characterized by varying degrees of impairment in communication skills and social interactions, and restricted, repetitive and stereotyped patterns of behavior. Whilst the characteristics of Asperger syndrome appear more subtle than those typical of autism, it does not mean that Asperger syndrome is a mild disorder. Autism spectrum disorder, including Asperger syndrome, is now recognized as one of the more prevalent disabilities. Variations in methodologies and assessment tools have been suggested as contributing to Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 146 Students ‘at risk’ of being bullied the differences in estimations of the incidence of ASD. In 2014, the Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) released new data on the prevalence of autism in the United States. This surveillance study identified 1 in 68 children (1 in 42 boys and 1 in 189 girls) as having autism spectrum disorder. Blumberg et al. (2013) reported a significant increase in parentreported ASD amongst American children, which was greatest for boys and for children aged 14–17 years. The Australian Bureau of Statistics showed that in 2012 an estimated 115,400 Australians (0.5 percent) had autism. This was a 79 percent increase on the 64,400 people estimated to have the condition in 2009.The apparent steady increase in figures cited over recent years has been attributed to improvements in the diagnosis of the disability, particularly for those individuals who are higher functioning. Point of interest It has been noted that there has been an increase in the numbers of young people diagnosed with ASD, and one reason given is the improvements in diagnosis. Research the field to discover whether there may be other possible reasons for the increase. Targets for bullying Wotherspoon et al. (2016) have described the impact of bullying of young people diagnosed with ASD, concluding that ‘The impact of bullying in schools on the mental health and wellbeing of young people diagnosed with ASD is significant and there is an ongoing need to trial, implement and evaluate programs for their effectiveness and usefulness’ (p. 143). As discussed in Chapter 3, bullying is a particularly destructive form of aggression, involving physical or psychological intimidation or attack intended to cause fear, distress or harm, involving an imbalance of power in favor of the perpetrator. Heinrichs (2003) discusses the characteristics of individuals who may be bullying targets and generally identifies two groups: passive or non-aggressive targets, and a smaller group of provocative or aggressive targets (p. 43). Central to the characteristics of both groups are poor social skills and a difficulty in understanding the subtleties of peer relations. Poor social skills are identified as a core characteristic of individuals who are targeted for bullying, and it is interesting to note that clinically significant developmental delay in social skills is a core characteristic of ASD, although the social skills demonstrated by individuals with ASD vary greatly. Individuals with ASD typically have limited knowledge and awareness of Students ‘at risk’ of being bullied 147 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Reflection Why might poor social skills be associated with bullying? many aspects of the social world and appropriate social behavior. Individuals with ASD generally have a limited capacity to use prior social knowledge or read social cues, and often have difficulties interpreting subtle non-verbal behaviors (e.g. body language, facial expressions). The difficulty in predicting, understanding, interpreting and appropriately responding to the actions, emotions and intentions of others can lead to situations where they misinterpret or fail to perceive the actions and/or intentions of those around them (Jackson, 2002). Individuals with ASD often present with poor skills in understanding or being aware of the potential consequences of an action or an intention. Unless explicitly instructed in specific social situations, particularly those where the ‘rules’ are implied and seem like common knowledge but are not actually taught, individuals with ASD typically present with impaired social judgment. They often need to learn in a structured way, situation by situation, many of the social behaviors that other people acquire incidentally (Slee et al., 2013). As they have difficulties using prior knowledge to evaluate novel situations, it cannot be assumed that the individual with ASD will know what to do or how to interpret a novel situation based on past experience. It is these difficulties in social situations that can lead to vulnerability with peers, and indeed bullying from peers. Australian research confirms this outlook. Bullying research and ASD A survey of 169 Australian students (aged 5–17 years) identified with ASD found that some 62 percent of the students reported they were bullied ‘once a week or more often’ (Bottroff et al., 2007). As noted in Chapter 6, this is almost three times higher than the general population. Van Roekel et al. (2010) report that according to teachers, 46 percent of children with ASD were bullied once a week or more often. A survey of British parents by the UK’s National Autistic Society found that over 40 percent of children with an autism spectrum disorder have experienced bullying and peer victimization at school (Batten et al., 2006). The Australian research (Bottroff et al., 2007) found that school bullying has a strong impact on the lives of students with ASD. It showed a significant relationship between bullying and 148 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 • • • • Students ‘at risk’ of being bullied unhappiness at school feelings of unsafety at school lower self-esteem and poorer coping skills. The findings demonstrated that school bullying has a significant impact on the lives of students diagnosed with an ASD. Slee et al. (2013) utilized the research by Bottroff et al. (2007) to produce a DVD and a podcast to assist in educating the whole school community regarding an inclusive educational approach for children diagnosed with Asperger syndrome. The DVD highlighted that a diagnosis of ASD such as Asperger with associated difficulties in social-emotional communication does not mean that such students do not want to share the company of others and develop friendships. Indeed, what the research of Slee et al. (2013) demonstrated was that students with ASD strongly desired positive relationships at school with their teachers and with other students. Conversely, without such support the students are lonely and isolated and their difficulties in understanding social interaction cues and interpreting emotional expression mean they are at increased risk for school bullying. Summary In summary, there is a conclusive body of evidence that young people with special educational needs are at heightened risk for school bullying. In the context of mainstreaming, this understanding should contribute to increased awareness of teachers, parents, schools and communities that policies and programs need to address this vulnerability. The focus now turns to another group where emerging evidence highlights their vulnerability to bullying. Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Questioning (LGBTQ) students and bullying The typical Australian school is an unwelcoming place for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgendered, queer and questioning ... and gender atypical, nonconforming or ‘genderqueer’ ... students. (Ullman, 2014, p. 430) Robinson and Espelage (2012) report from a large sample of United States youth from years 7–12 that 5.2 percent identified themselves as gay, lesbian, bisexual, questioning, or transgender. As Warwick and Aggleton (2014, p. 160) note, ‘the extent of bullying associated with homophobia is hard to judge – not least due to challenges in defining what constitutes bullying in general and homophobia-related bullying in particular.’ In the United States it Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Students ‘at risk’ of being bullied 149 has been reported that national surveys indicate that nearly 40 percent of students indicate experiencing physical harassment at least once because of their sexual orientation and 64.3 percent reported feeling unsafe at their school because of their sexual orientation (Kosciw, 2004). As we noted in Chapter 3, bullying and school safety are inextricably linked. It comes as little surprise, then, that LGBTQ young people report high levels of victimization as a function of their sexual orientation consequently report feeling unsafe at school. In addition, Rivers (2001), in a United Kingdom study of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender participants, reported that 82 percent of the student sample reported being targets of name-calling, with most of it being homophobic in nature, and 60 percent reported being assaulted. The question then arises as to the impact of bullying on the health and well-being of LGBTQ students. In examining the research findings, the conclusions are somewhat divergent. As outlined in Chapter 3, the harmful effects of school bullying have been well documented, e.g. Slee (1995). It might then be expected that if LGBTQ youth are subject to higher levels of bullying this would further manifest in their mental health and well-being. Emerging research suggests the picture may be a little more complicated. For example, Robinson and Espelage (2012) report that although victimization does explain a portion of the LGBTQ–heterosexual risk disparities associated with suicidal ideation, suicide attempts, and unexcused absences from school, the risk persists in the face of victimization. The same researchers (2012, p. 316) suggest this finding may indicate that ‘macro-level messages that youth receive about sexual minorities [e.g., they are unwanted, they are different] … persist even in the absence of direct individual-level peer victimization.’ The Australian researcher Ullman (2014) has commented on the significant role attributed to ‘school climate’ in offsetting some of the issues faced by LGBTQ students. Point of interest ‘Gender climate’ Ullman (2014) in her paper has highlighted the significant advances made in understanding school and classroom climate and their role in providing a supportive educational learning environment, and she sees this as a ‘move in the right direction ‘ for LGBTQ students. She applies the term ‘gender climate’ to refer to the explicit (e.g. dress code rules) and implicit (e.g. curriculum silence on sexual and gender diversity), arguing that there needs to be greater transparency about such matters in order to create more of a positive ‘gender climate.’ Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 150 Students ‘at risk’ of being bullied Slee and Skrzypiec (2016) have written at some length about the significant role of school and classroom climate in addressing school bullying and promoting positive peer relations. Ullman reports on US-based research indicating the effects of a school curriculum which presents ‘positive representations of same-sex-attracted and transgendered people, history and events’ which is associated with students experiencing ‘less victimization, greater sense of safety and higher reported academic outcomes than those young people whose schools did not include such material’ (Kosciw et al., 2013). She further cites the research emphasizing the significant role of supportive teachers and their ‘positive impact on LGBTQ students’ self-esteem and reduce absenteeism’ (Goodenow et al., 2006; Kosciw et al., 2013): schools have the ability to lessen negative outcomes for LGB and sexually questioning students through creating positive climates and reducing homophobic teasing. (Birkett et al., 2009, p. 989) Reflection Why might there be a reluctance on the part of some education sectors to address the issues of bullying as faced by LBGTQ students? Social networking – risky business: cyber bullying and sexting We begin this section with a consideration of the contemporary understanding of brain development (Slee et al., 2012). Leuner and Gould (2010) noted that the development of mammals was based on the idea of some stability associated with the central nervous system which did not readily accommodate structural remodelling of neural circuitry. These same authors in a review of recent neurological research have argued that ‘It is now clear that rather than being fixed and immutable, the brain displays persistent plasticity across the life-span’ (2010, p. 112). With this understanding in mind we now turn to a consideration of risk-taking during the early years. Students ‘at risk’ of being bullied 151 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Trends and issues Studies using neuroimaging drew attention to the finding that in adults romantic love activates different brain regions than do maternal love, friendship and generalized passion (Diamond and Dickenson, 2012). As Slee et al. (2012a) have noted, adolescence begins with the hormonal and physiological changes associated with puberty. In turn, studies including Blakemore et al. (2010) indicate that pubertal hormones influence structural brain development and brain function. Various pubertal endocrine factors including testosterone, estrogen, progesterone, prolactin, oxytocin and cortisol are implicated in increased sensation-seeking, risk-taking and sexual behavior during adolescence (Peper and Dahl, 2013). A number of cognitive and neurobiological hypotheses have been postulated for why adolescents engage in suboptimal choice behavior. Steinberg (2007), calling upon recent advances in neurological research, suggests that ‘risky behavior is the product of the interaction between changes in two distinct neurobiological systems, (i) a localized socioemotional system’, and (ii) a cognitive control system, located separately although connected. Steinberg hypothesizes that around the time of puberty there is an increase in dopaminergic activity within the socio-emotional system which is out of sync with the full cognitive control system, possibly heightening a vulnerability to risk-taking. As one writer has characterized it, the process may be akin to ‘starting the engines without a skilled driver behind the wheel’ (Dahl, 2008, p. 278). The “wired” child On-line social networking is a relatively new type of communicative practice which has swept the world, affording a seamlessly converging one-to-one, one-to-many and, especially, one-to-someone communication within a more or less permeable circle of peers on social networking sites (SNSs) (Livingstone et al., 2013). As a multimodal medium (text, image, video, sound), embracing messages, chats, photo albums, blogs and other applications, it is a particularly attractive medium for children and young people and it is reshaping and reframing the presentation and management of young people’s identity, lifestyle and social relations (Spears et al., 2013). 152 Students ‘at risk’ of being bullied Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Point of interest As a point of interest the sign below is located at my local beach, which is popular for surfing, bodyboarding and fishing. Why might people (and not just adolescents) engage in these activities despite the warnings on the sign? For example, Australia now has a generation of young people who have never been without on-line access and as such it is fully integrated into their lives (Commonwealth of Australia, 2011). The internet has fundamentally changed the way young people spend their time and the way they communicate with peers. For example, the Australian Communication and Media Authority (ACMA, 2013) reports that over 95 percent of young Australians use the internet regularly. Almost daily internet use is common for children as young as eight or nine. This rapidly changes in the ‘tween’ years, with many 10–12 year olds using the internet 1–3 hours per day. By 13 years of age, social media use has become the norm; and by 15, the internet and its use has become an ‘organic integrated part’ of the everyday lives of Australian children. Research evidence, however (e.g. Byrne et al., 2014), shows that the increase in internet-use time is associated with increased exposure to on-line Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Students ‘at risk’ of being bullied 153 risk. The Australian 2011 Joint Select Committee on cyber safety reports that the five major risks for young people are: (i) cyberstalking, grooming and sexual solicitation; (ii) cyber bullying; (iii) exposure to illegal and inappropriate material; (iv) promotion of inappropriate social and health behaviors; and (v) identity theft, privacy and on-line security. Australian research indicates that children and young people have a high awareness of cyber-safety risks, such that the majority of teen SNS users have set their profile to private, although 20 percent of 12–13 year olds have not. The likelihood of children and young people posting personal information on social networks increased with age (28 percent of 8–9 year old SNS users) to 77 percent of 14–15 year old users and 79 percent of 16–17 year olds (ACMA, 2012). Cross et al. (2013) have noted that while there are significant positive aspects to the new technology there is potential for misuse and harm. There is growing understanding that serious on-line problems may be indicative of a broader pattern of problem behaviors and/or underlying emotional issues for youth, and vice versa. For example, previous research (e.g. Campbell et al., 2013) has determined that young people engaging in bullying others on-line and being victimized on-line experience social and emotional problems. Lwin et al. (2013, p. 269) have noted that it is also not known ‘if there are subsets of youth for whom new technology provides an environment or opportunity for problems to occur when they might not have otherwise’. Cyber bullying and sexting As described in Chapter 3, cyber bullying is difficult to measure and define. Generally though, it is considered to be bullying inflicted through the use of electronic technology such as mobile phones, computers and tablets and involves, but is not limited to: abusive texts and emails; hurtful and denigrating messages; inappropriate videos or images; and spiteful and malicious online gossip. The rapid shift to mobile technologies in recent years, the increasing hours spent on-line in social networking sites, and the emergence of gaming, have shifted the opportunity for cyber bullying well beyond emails and text messages. Spears et al. (2009) have noted that the form and nature of cyber bullying is likely to be constantly changing as new technologies emerge. There is a range of media through which cyber bullying may be enacted, for example Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, and so forth. In spite of some similarities with traditional, face-to-face and indirect forms of bullying, cyber bullying is perceived to have certain distinctive features which include (see Smith, 2014, p. 81): • Some level of technological expertise is required on the part of the cyber bully. 154 • Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 • • • • Students ‘at risk’ of being bullied Both direct and indirect forms (Spears et al., 2009), though most often the target does not know who the perpetrator is (Vanderbosch and Van Cleemput, 2009). The fact that the victim’s reaction is often not seen. The point that the bystander roles are more complex than for traditional bullying, depending on who the bystander is with (bully or victim) and/ or whether they are in the receipt of messages or independently visit online sites. That the status gained by the cyber bully is difficult to determine, unless material is shared publicly and attributed to him or her. The breadth of the potential audience is conceivably greater. There is also no safe haven for the victim, as it is a 24/7 context and material can be continuously sent and/or viewed. Sexting Apart from cyber bullying on the internet, one other form of potentially ‘risky’ on-line behavior is known as sexting, which in the Australian context ‘refers to a range of behaviors involving the creation and transmission of sexual content through electronic media’ (Commonwealth of Australia, Senate Select Committee on Cybersafety, 2013, pp. 2–3). According to the National Survey of Australian Secondary Students and Sexual Health (Mitchell et al., 2014) more than 50 percent of sexually active secondary school students have sent sexually explicit nude or nearly nude photos or videos of themselves using new technologies. As noted earlier, some governments (e.g. that of New Zealand) have now enacted a law to address this issue (Slee and Skrzypiec, 2016). In their study, Spears et al. (2015) suggested, amongst other recommendations, a shifting from a solely legalistic approach to this issue to one which is more educative and multi-disciplinary, that places sexting within the context of sexual health and child protection education. The argument was that this approach has many advantages over a purely legalistic one of hard and fast laws which are unclear and which potentially criminalize young people ‘for behaviors which are seemingly normative extensions of sexual relationship development, but enacted within a technologically enhanced setting’ (p. 39). Sexting and bullying should be distinguished from each other. The emergence of ICTs as a major component of our lives today and of the way we conduct our interpersonal and social relations presents obvious advantages. It also presents challenges, particularly in terms of policy and program development, for the protection of those who may be vulnerable to the harmful effects of risk-taking and bullying and cyber bullying in an on-line environment. Broadly speaking, this raises the question of the extent Students ‘at risk’ of being bullied 155 to which all forms of bullying are a matter of human rights (Slee and Skrzypiec, 2016). Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Summary In this chapter we have followed on from some of the issues raised in Chapter 6, and considered populations and groups who might be considered as at ‘at risk’ for bullying, rather than the general population. One conclusion we could draw from the consideration of young people with special needs, LGBTQ populations and the matter of social networking sites, is that policy, practice and legislation are generally not addressing their at-risk status. Guidelines for school practice Table 7.1 School audit tool In relation to each of the statements below, tick the box that most commonly describes the situation at your school Element Not true Only true to some degree Mostly true Definitely true Bullying policies have been developed. Students are aware of bullying policies. Parents are aware of bullying policies. Students and their families who could benefit from additional support are identified as early as possible. Appropriate early student interventions are undertaken. What have you learnt? 1 Describe in your own words what ‘mainstreaming’ is. ________________________________________________________ 2 Discuss the advantages/disadvantages of mainstreaming. ________________________________________________________ 156 3 Students ‘at risk’ of being bullied Identify some of the identifying features of children/young people on the autism spectrum. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 ________________________________________________________ 4 True or false? (i) Children diagnosed with autism are less likely to value friends. (T/F) (ii) Poor social skills are identified as a core characteristic of individuals who are targeted for bullying. (T/F) (iii) LGBTQ students experience more physical harassment and feel less safe at school than other students. (T/F) (iv) Sexting and cyber bullying are the same. (T/F) 5 Identify a number of identifying features of cyber bullying. ________________________________________________________ Activity How would you assess your school or your child’s school according to its awareness of the ‘at risk’ status of groups of children or young people? References ACARA (Australian Curriculum Assessment and Reporting Authority) (2012). Curriculum Development Process, Vol. 6. Sydney, NSW: ACARA. ACMA (Australia Communication and Media Authority) (2013). 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Chapter 8 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Assessing bullying Key terms: ethics; ‘children’s voice’; bullying; questionnaire; interviews; focus groups; photo-story victimization; Introduction He who lives in harmony with himself lives in harmony with the world. Marcus Aurelius As noted by researchers, it is important to utilize a range of methodologies for studying aggression, with over-reliance on questionnaires in particular carrying a risk of perpetuating mistaken assumptions. The present author’s research complements the use of questionnaires with qualitative research (e.g. focus groups), which has enabled participants to describe freely their experiences of social aggression. A section of the chapter will be given over to describing less ‘traditional’ methods of data collection, e.g. use of photostory as used by the author. In this chapter the strong focus will be on identifying practical ways that schools can collect reliable data to inform the development of their policy and practice to reduce bullying and enhance the coping skills of students. The ethics of research involving young people We begin this chapter with a consideration of an important matter, namely the ethics of gathering information regarding school bullying. The matter of accessing children and young people for research purposes is a process that should be governed by strict ethical guidelines and procedures, which are meant to safeguard the children from potential harm or exploitation. For example, in Australia research involving children and young people falls Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Assessing bullying 163 under the guidelines of the National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research (National Health and Medical Research Council, 2007). Human research as defined in the National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research (2007) is: ‘research conducted with or about people, or their data or tissue’. Human participation in research can be broadly understood to include: taking part in surveys, interviews or focus groups; undergoing psychological, physiological or medical testing or treatment; being observed by researchers; the collection and use of participants’ body organs, tissues or fluids; and access to their personal documents or other materials. However, other research activity with humans as participants may come within the Human Research Ethics Committee (HREC) area. There are particular ethical considerations given to research involving children and ‘at risk’ children. For example, it could be thought that children and young people who are being victimized could be considered ‘at risk’ because of the mental health issues associated with bullying. Understanding of the nature of children’s involvement in research is also changing, according to how childhood is viewed in society (Shute and Slee, 2015). When children are viewed as ‘active agents’ in the research process additional ethical questions arise, which include but are not limited to issues such as: how children can be approached to participate; the age at which they can give consent; and the rights of the young person involved in the research activity (Coyne, 2010). Student voice in research Shute and Slee (2015, pp. 212–213) in their text Child Development: Theories and Critical Perspectives note that the idea of ‘student voice’ has gained increased emphasis under the rubric of ‘the new sociology of childhood’ (NSC) (Matthews, 2007). This outlook reflects a move away from viewing young people as passive and vulnerable individuals to an outlook that values them as active agents in the research process. For a long time, however, children and young people have not had a voice in either the research process or the outcomes of research. Rather, they participated at the behest of adults, whose views have long been privileged over those of children. Children’s and young people’s role in research consisted solely of responding to adult instructions or demands, for example filling out questionnaires or responding to interview questions, as passive recipients or objects at the centre of adult enquiry. However, the 1989 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, ratified by many countries including Australia in January 1991, changed adults’ perceptions of that role, stating that: 164 • Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 • Assessing bullying children have the right to say what they think about anything that affects them, and … what they say must be listened to and given due consideration (Article 12); and they have the right of freedom of expression, and freedom to seek and impart information through any media of the child’s choice (Article 13). As a result, schools seeking reform and change, researchers, policy makers and governments now actively seek out children’s and young people’s ideas and views to support them in the decision-making processes. This does not mean seeking the views of a tokenistic student committee! Point of interest Spears et al. (2011) examined the role of young people as co-researchers in anti-cyber bullying initiatives. It was argued that giving youth voice to such initiatives highlights young people’s understandings of the issue. Importantly, Spears and colleagues argued that adopting such an outlook positions young people and identifies them as change agents and as allies in the research process. In 1992 Roger Hart published his ‘ladder of participation’ in Children’s Participation: From Tokenism to Citizenship (UNICEF) and in it he described a model for understanding children and young people’s participation in decisions that affect them. The conceptual model is consistent with Article 2.1 of the 1991 Convention on the Rights of the Child concerning the child’s right to participate in decisions that affect them. At the non-participatory level young people are manipulated or at best only involved in a token-like manner with matters that impact on them. For example, in relation to a school policy on bullying the policy is written by adult(s) for students. At the highest level of participation, young people are responsible for initiating shared decisions with matters that concern them. Here a school’s anti-bullying policy would follow an initiative from students and for example, the students would research, formulate and launch the policy. Consistent with Hart’s highest level of participation, the teaching–learning relationship between adult/researcher and child is reversed when young people teach researchers about their social context and what is authentic for them. At this point, children/young people assume the role of co-researcher and advocate for their lived realities. Assessing bullying 165 Youth initiated − shared decisions Youth initiated and directed Participation Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Consulted and informed Assigned but informed Tokenism Non-participation Decoration Manipulation Figure 8.1 Hart’s Ladder of Participation Reflection At your school where did or does the student body stand in relation to Hart’s ladder? In a research sense, this outlook does not equate to young people simply being participants, responders or ‘data providers’; they must be partners with researchers in the process, to co-construct meaning. That is, young people assume a position of equal power with researchers, enabling them to make significant contributions to our understanding of the ways they experience the world. Engaging youth voice is not about conducting surveys, or holding interviews or focus groups. Nor is it about the sole child on a student representative panel. While these positions are concerned with accessing opinions and experiences, they do not give young people any power to contribute meaningfully to change. It really is about a paradigm shift on the part of the researcher to consider how the research endeavor may place young people at the centre of the process (Spears et al., 2011). We now turn to a brief consideration of another important factor impacting on the manner in which information is collected regarding bullying. The nature of psychological enquiry: implications for assessment Shute and Slee (2015) have examined at some length the matter of the nature of knowledge and the nature of psychological inquiry. Some consideration Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 166 Assessing bullying of this matter was outlined in Chapter 4 where it linked to theories of bullying, the point being that the nature of psychological inquiry has important implications for the assessment of school bullying. Philosophers have long debated the means by which we attain knowledge or truth. Empiricists such as Locke, Berkeley and Hume posited that knowledge exists outside the individual and that humans acquire knowledge through the senses. In contrast, the rationalists, such as Descartes, Spinoza and Kant, argued that reason is more important than experience. For example, Kant, while not denying the existence of experience, identified two elements of knowledge: (i) what is given, principally through the senses; and (ii) what is posited by the thinking subject. Rationalists argue that we can be deceived by our senses, as in the case of perceptual illusions, and so the senses cannot be trusted to provide reliable knowledge. Post-modern views of knowledge propose a very different outlook again (Shute and Slee, 2015) concerning the nature and development of knowledge, emphasizing the manner in which knowledge is constructed. Writers such as Teo (1997) and Valentine (1996) believe that, while developmental psychology draws upon disciplines such as biology, anthropology and sociology, it has been rather reluctant to consider recent developments in the philosophy of knowledge. Teo suggests that the primary reason for this has to do with the rise and dominance of empiricism, particularly as reflected in mainstream North American psychology. In the post-modern context various researchers (e.g. Shute and Slee, 2015) have elaborated on some contemporary influences on child development theory, including feminist theory and Indigenous theory. The thinking and theorizing in these fields has considerably enriched our understanding of human development. The implications for assessment practices in the school bullying field are significant. For example, as we shall see later in this chapter, while questionnaires have dominated the assessment process in the bullying research and generated a great deal of empirical knowledge, other assessment methods are now being utilized which provide equally important understanding of aspects of school bullying. We now look to provide more detail regarding the types of knowledge and how it is generated in the assessment process in school bullying research. Types of knowledge The question of what constitutes knowledge is complex and Shute and Slee (2015) have examined thinking relating to types of knowledge and how such ideas can also be applied to the field of developmental psychology. Assessing bullying 167 Hypothetical-developmental Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 The first of four types of knowledge described by Tripodi (1981) is hypothetical-developmental, which involves the description of events in a quantitative manner involving the use of general concepts. For example, in bullying research the concept of ‘bystanders’ has been examined at length. Quantitative-descriptive Tripodi (1981) suggests that quantitative-descriptive knowledge is based on facts that help to describe a relationship between two variables. For example, research on bullying among primary schoolchildren might indicate that 11 percent of boys report being bullied compared with 9 percent of girls. Here gender is a variable and descriptive knowledge helps to elaborate the relationship between bullying and gender. Associational knowledge Associational knowledge draws upon statistical techniques to indicate the degree of the relationship between two variables. For example, research might indicate a statistically significant decline in the amount of bullying from primary to secondary school, thus implicating age as a contributing variable (Smith, 2014). Cause–effect knowledge Research conducted with cause–effect knowledge in mind ‘specifies that changes in the independent or causal variable are directly responsible for producing changes in the dependent variable’ (Tripodi 1981, p. 203). In the field of social sciences establishing causality is very difficult. For example: does bullying cause mental health problems or do students who are bullied have pre-existing mental health problems? (Fekkes et al., 2006). Overall then, depending on the type of knowledge and understanding that the researcher is seeking, certain methodologies will be favoured over others in the research design for assessing school bullying. We now turn to a description of various types of research design that can be used in bullying research which also draw on the types of knowledge being sought. In the following section we consider what are generally referred to as empirical research designs, before turning to a section on new paradigm research designs. 168 Assessing bullying Types of research design Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Field studies A field study is an ex-post-facto, or ‘after the fact’, investigation directed at naturally occurring events (Kerlinger, 1973). Using this method, the researcher does not attempt to deliberately manipulate the situation and every attempt is made to minimize the observer’s presence. For example, Pepler and Craig (1995) undertook an observational study of children’s aggressive behavior using remote audio-visual recordings. The principal advantages of this type of research design relate to the immediate and firsthand nature of the data. The disadvantages of field studies relate to the difficulty of controlling for all variables shaping behavior. Naturalistic experiments In a naturalistic experiment, the researcher takes advantage of naturally occurring opportunities to study behavior. For example, a researcher may undertake a study after an incident of school bullying to better understand the nature of the bullying, who was involved, factors leading up to the incident and the sequelae post-incident. The obvious disadvantage to this type of research design is having to wait for natural events to occur. On the other hand, this type of design provides greater opportunity than natural field studies for isolating and understanding causal factors. Field experiments A field experiment differs from a field study in that the researcher has control over the independent variable(s) of the events being studied. A field experiment involves the deliberate manipulation of the independent variable(s) in a naturalistic setting. For example, Parke et al. (1977) investigated the impact of exposure to violent and non-violent films on the social behavior of adolescent boys. The films were shown in the area where the boys lived and the amount and type of aggression shown by the boys in relation to the films was assessed in the same area. Rigby and Johnson (2006) used a naturalistic experiment design to examine primary school children’s bystander behavior in bullying. The researchers, using a video depicting bullying in the presence of bystanders, was viewed by late primary and early secondary school students. Questionnaires were used to assess student attitudes to victims amongst other factors. The findings showed that 43 percent of the students indicated that they were likely to help the victim. The obvious advantage of the field experiment over the field study is that the researcher does not have to wait for suitable event(s) to occur. Ethical problems can arise in assigning individuals to either the experimental or Assessing bullying 169 control situation, such as deliberately exposing one group of boys to violent films, as in the example cited above. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Laboratory studies The attraction of a laboratory study is that it provides the opportunity to hold constant those extraneous variables that might influence behavior. Hypotheses or predictions can be tested by deliberately manipulating an independent variable and then allowing for observation of any changes in the dependent variable. The intention here is to discover cause and effect. For example, Ouellet-Morin et al. (2013) tested children (monozygotic twins) in a laboratory setting in order to understand whether the serotonin transporter gene (SERT) DNA methylation is associated with bullying, victimization and blunted cortisol response to stress in childhood. Their findings showed that epigenetic processes are ‘dynamic and responsive to early social environments’ (p. 1822). Randomized control trials (RCTs) Widely regarded as the ‘gold standard’ in scientific research, randomized control trials (RCTs) are one type of experiment which aims to reduce bias when testing a new treatment. The people participating in the trial are randomly allocated to either the group receiving the treatment under investigation or to a group receiving standard treatment (or placebo treatment) as the control. It is claimed that the randomization process helps minimize error due to selection bias while having different comparison groups allows stronger determination of any effects attributable to the treatment. In a systematic review of bullying and cyber bullying, Cantone et al. (2015) reported that most of the experiments on bullying are not a randomized controlled trial, which was basically attributable to the challenges of conducting RCTs in non-laboratory research designs. For example, there are significant ethical issues to be addressed in ‘withholding’ a treatment (to reduce bullying) from the control group while applying the treatment to the experimental group. As part of undertaking research into school bullying the investigator must consider the best procedure for gathering data. In the following section we consider various procedures including direct observation, interviews, surveys and questionnaires, and self-reports. Consideration is given to the influence of new paradigm research designs and alternative ways of collecting data regarding young people’s experiences of bullying – for example, drawings and photo-story methods. 170 Assessing bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Direct observation The whole task of ‘watching and wondering’ is one that has occupied the attention of parents, teachers and behavioral scientists for some time now (Slee, 1987). The strategy of direct observation is appealing to many researchers, but it is a complex skill requiring considerable forethought to avoid the pitfalls inherent in the method. Various methods have been used in the observation of children, including: • • • • • anecdotal records: an account of an event in a child’s day described in more or less detail but which records the event, the context and what was said or done; specimen description: a detailed description (written or taped) of an event as it occurs; event sampling: includes the event along with a brief description of conditions preceding and following an event; time sampling: a record of the presence or absence of a specified behavior during a specified time period; rating scales: a rating of behavior. Further details of the various methods for observing children are provided by Slee et al. (2012) and earlier descriptions are in Slee (1987). Direct observations have not been widely used to understand the issue of bullying, principally because of its time-consuming nature and the technical problems of tracking and recording students’ classroom and playground behavior. The unpublished observational research conducted by the author confirms that victims lead a rather solitary existence and that bullies have a small coterie of peers who provide some support in terms of play and friendship. In the school setting, direct observations could be a useful aspect of the education process if: • • • • teachers were alerted to the need to monitor children’s behavior more carefully and records were kept and reported on, for example at staff meetings; specific students were targeted and observed; specific behaviors were watched for (for example, time spent alone at lunch); the location was specified, for example the classroom. Assessing bullying 171 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Ideas for the school and classroom Read the methods described above and choose one for direct observation, for instance the number of times a child identified as a victim is spoken to by classmates. Make a note of the strengths and limitations of the method. Interviewing children and young people As part of the education process another approach to collecting information uses face-to-face interviews with students, teachers or parents. Interviews offer a very powerful means of understanding an individual’s experience of bullying. The skilled interviewer can address the issue of bullying sensitively to successfully obtain an accurate picture from the interviewee of the particular circumstances of their experience. As one teacher commented to the author, an interview is a very productive way of learning more about the ‘story’ that lies behind both the bully’s and victim’s experience. Interviews may be conducted one-on-one or quite commonly involve focus groups where numbers of young people come together to present their views on a topic. For example, Shute et al. (2008) used a focus group procedure to investigate victimization of adolescent girls by boys. Focus groups were held during school hours on the school premises, and conducted by a female Master’s-qualified clinical psychologist experienced in working with young people. Each focus group consisted of five to seven same-gender students with group composition being formed on the basis of availability of volunteers to attend a particular session. Successful interviewing is a skill that has the potential to provide important and often unique information about children that cannot be gleaned from other sources. To ensure that the information obtained is as valid and reliable as possible, careful attention must be paid to the instrumentals of interviewing, such as the setting and the process – for example, establishing rapport with the child. While interviewing is a basic skill in many fields of study involving children, there are remarkably few guidelines available regarding the conduct of interviews (Slee et al., 2012). These authors suggest the following: • Decide beforehand where you are going to interview the child/ young person. The individual needs to feel safe and secure, especially if they do not know you. 172 Assessing bullying • Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 • • • • • • • • • • Decide why you are interviewing the child. Is it to establish rapport? Is it to elicit information from the child’s point of view? Is this information for research or to assist the child? Plan what you want from the interview and some general questions you might ask, but also be prepared to be flexible and follow the child’s conversation. Explain who you are and why you are talking with them. Establish rapport, for example by playing a game with the child first. Don’t over-question. We do not do this to adults with whom we have a conversation. When questioning use open questions such as: ‘What happened?’ ‘Why?’ ‘Where?’ ‘How?’ and ‘Tell me about it.’ Don’t worry if you don’t ask the ‘right’ questions. If you have established rapport with the child, they will talk anyway. Use short sentences and appropriate vocabulary and language for the age of the child. Paraphrase what the child says so they know you are listening – listen more than talk. Always have something for the child to do while talking – for example, drawing paper and pencils. Boys sometimes prefer to walk and talk, rather than sitting down opposite you. Always show the child respect and allow them to tell their story. (Reproduced here with permission) Ideas for the school and classroom Talk to a child for 30 minutes without asking any questions. How? Try to appropriately self-disclose and think about how you talk with adults. Record your conversation (with the child’s permission) to see how many questions you actually asked. This activity will teach you how to interact and talk with a child – not to the child. Surveys and questionnaires A method commonly used by researchers to understand the issue of bullying involves questionnaires or surveys. While the information obtained by this means is reliable and accurate, considerable experience is needed in developing the questionnaire and analyzing the findings obtained. To that end, reliable and valid questionnaires such as the Peer Relations Questionnaire Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Assessing bullying 173 (PRQ) developed by Rigby and Slee (1995) are widely used by Australian primary and secondary schools. The16-item Peer Relations Questionnaire (Rigby and Slee, 1991), is a diagnostic tool for identifying students’ reports of bullying others, being a victim of bullying, and prosocial behavior. The PRQ has been validated (Tabaeian et al., 2012) and translated into several languages including Chinese, French and Italian. The PRQ includes six questions about bullying (e.g. ‘I enjoy upsetting wimps’), six questions about being victimized (e.g. ‘I get picked on by others’), and four prosocial behavior questions (e.g. ‘I enjoy helping others’). In a longer version of the questionnaire there are a number of filler items. Respondents reported the frequency of these experiences using a four-point Likert-type scale which ranged from ‘never’, ‘once in a while’, ‘pretty often’ to ‘very often.’ Self-reports Asking young people to participate in the process of assessing their experience of bullying has become an accepted method for capturing the extent, nature and impact of the experiences. It is a process consistent with the principles inherent in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), which offers a normative framework for understanding young people’s well-being through direct consultations with them. Such processes are necessary in order to inform policies that effectively promote the wellbeing of young people, as the inclusion of their voices is more likely to lead to policies that are in accord with young people’s understanding of their own well-being. Students’ self-reports carry with them recognized problems of potential participant blind spots and social desirability bias. However, with respect to reports about the (often hidden) experience of being a bully or victim, selfreports are arguably an important source of information. Peer and teacher reports As described in Chapter 2, a method for assessing peer relationships involves network analysis. Merchant (2012, p. 6) notes that ‘Social networking could, in general terms, be seen as a way of describing the patterning of everyday practices of social interaction, including those that take place within family structures, between friends, and in neighbourhoods and communities.’ The same author further notes that the theory ‘speaks to the patterning and flow of communication and interaction by drawing attention to relationships, social groupings, friendship, intra- and inter-group behaviors as they are enacted in and across different geographical locations and over time’ (p. 12). Typically the procedure involves asking students to: ‘Name your three or five best friends in your class’, with students selecting friends from a class list. Nominations are the number of classmates a student 174 Assessing bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 identifies as friends. It has been argued that the data provided by these ‘independent’ informants represent a more accurate estimation of the phenomenon under investigation, such as the frequency with which the target child is bullied. New paradigm research designs As noted earlier in this chapter, the philosophy of science, including the conception of knowledge, influences or shapes the way we conduct science. Outside the mainstream empirical tradition there exist other important but widely neglected methods for conducting research. No agreed-upon name exists to describe the methods, although they are variously referred to in the literature as ‘new paradigm’ research, ‘hermeneutic research’, ‘a priori research’ or ‘cooperative enquiry’ (see Shute and Slee, 2015). As these authors note, new paradigm research is part of a new world-view which is emerging through systems thinking, ecological concerns and awareness, feminism, and education, as well as in the philosophy of human enquiry, and represents a discontinuity with previous world-views and methods. There are three components to the shift: (1) ‘a participatory and holistic knowing’, (2) ‘critical subjectivity’, and (3) ‘knowledge in action.’ Participatory and holistic knowing represents a shift away from the reductionist and fragmentary outlook of Newtonian science towards a more systemic outlook emphasizing wholeness, participation and co-operative enquiry (Slee, 1987). It is a move away from a natural science outlook that emphasizes cause and effect towards a more holistic outlook emphasizing the nature of behavior as it is considered in its context. The second feature of the new paradigm research involves a shift from objective enquiry to critical awareness. In this process, the researcher’s own subjective experience is not suppressed but used as part of the process of enquiry. Such an outlook contrasts with the empirical perspective, where the observer or experimenter is considered as a neutral, non-participating, objective professional (Slee, 1987). The third and final feature of new paradigm research – knowledge in action – reflects a move away from theory towards practice. Reason (1988) argues that these three changes constitute a paradigm shift. The implications of this paradigm shift have challenged researchers to develop other means for conducting research apart from those represented by ‘mainstream scientific thinking.’ For details of research methods using new paradigm designs, see Slee (1987) and Reason (1988). Assessing bullying 175 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Trends and issues It is common to see the term ‘mixed methods research’ in the school bullying literature, but what exactly does it mean? Powell et al. (2008) have described the approach citing Johnson and Onwuegbuzie (2004), who described mixed methods research as ‘the class of research where the researcher mixes or combines quantitative and qualitative research techniques into a single study’ (p. 17). Johnson et al. (2005) have identified three waves encompassing ‘traditional science’, a ‘crisis period’ and a ‘synthesis period.’ As identified in this chapter the ‘traditional science’ period embraces logical positivism and the empirical method. The ‘crisis period’ is a critique of the assumptions underpinning the traditional science method. The synthesis period embraces qualitative methodology with a strong focus on subjectivity and a focus on combining quantitative and qualitative approaches. Alternative ways of understanding students’ experiences of bullying As noted earlier in this chapter, mainstream psychological research into school bullying has generally utilized an empirical quantitative methodology, for example observations, questionnaires, or interviews for the purpose of developing hypothetical, descriptive or causal knowledge. An alternative paradigm (Shute and Slee, 2015) draws on post-modern thinking and incorporates the view that knowledge is ‘created’ and this of necessity utilizes a different set of methodologies. In the following section we illustrate some alternative ways of investigating young people’s experiences of school bullying which have been widely used by the author. Student drawings Children’s drawings can provide an insight into their emotional states. There is little published literature that uses children’s drawings to gain better understandings of the nature and impact of bullying (Figure 8.2). The study of children’s drawings has a long history, although much of the early work, particularly on emotional expression in children’s drawings, had its roots in psychoanalysis (Malchiodi, 1998). It has been argued that children’s drawings often indicate general aspects of development and skill, and Cherney et al. (2006) suggest that children’s drawings mirror children’s thoughts and minds. That is, drawings can reflect how children think, what Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 176 Assessing bullying Figure 8.2 A primary school student’s drawings of peer relationships in the playground they attach importance to, and the nature of the relationships they consider to exist between objects. Children’s expressive drawings have been used in relation to a range of topics including war (Jolley and Vulic-Prtoric, 2001), psychiatric disorders (Joiner et al., 1996), children’s problematic body perceptions and eating attitudes (Goldner and Levi, 2014), and fears (Carroll and Ryan-Wenger, 1999). A relatively limited amount of research has examined the relationship between children’s expressive drawings and school bullying (Andreou and Bonoti, 2010; Bosaki et al., 2007). In the course of clinical and program development work with children on the topic of school bullying, the author has noted that children will often spontaneously write or draw about their experience. In a 2015 study, Slee and Skrzypiec found that amongst Australian primary school children the respondents drew the bully larger when bullied more frequently, the distance between the bully and victim was closer when bullied more frequently and there was more detail in the drawings when bullied more frequently (see Figures 8.2 and 8.3) . They argued that this would lend some support to the link between specific features of the drawings and the personal significance of the topic, and that it is plausible that the resultant drawing is influenced by the drawer’s emotional attitude or experience with the topic which in this instance involves bullying. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Assessing bullying 177 Figure 8.3a and 8.3b How students who have been bullied depict their experience, highlighting the size and space between bully and victim In an early study conducted by the author (Slee, 1994) the procedure involved talking with young pre-school children about their ‘friends.’ The children were asked to draw a picture of their ‘friends’ and the ‘playground.’ One young participant drew the picture (Figure 8.4) and when she was asked what the picture was about she told the interviewer that the bird was talking to the worm and saying ‘You are so small, ha, ha, ha’, just like the way some children treated other children! Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 178 Assessing bullying Figure 8.4 ‘You are so small, ha, ha, ha.’ Photo-story and understanding bullying The value of images and photographs in research is recognized by researchers as an effective means for exploring phenomena alongside other methods of data collection (Gabhainn and Sixsmith, 2006). One approach is called the ‘photo-story’ method (e.g. Skrzypiec et al., 2013). As Wang and Burris (1994) have noted, photographic data provided by participants are more likely to reflect their world. Such a methodology has ‘ the unique ability to help individuals convey inner thoughts’ (Bessell et al., 2007, p. 558), and offer insight into a reality that cannot otherwise be easily captured by words and language-centred approaches (Palibroda et al., 2009). With this in mind the author has used the photo-story methodology for studying school bullying that was first devised by Wang and Burris (1997). Photo-story methodology As Skrzypiec et al. (2013) have described it, the photo-story method is framed in feminist theory (Wilkin and Liamputtong, 2010) and utilizes a methodology that is consistent with the principles of participatory research (Schulz et al., 1998). Importantly, it is regarded as an effective way to bridge the power gap between researcher and participant (Keremane and McKay, 2011). In a photo-story study the photographs taken by participants can be used to highlight issues and to promote change (Drew et al., 2010) so an important facet of photo-story is that it can facilitate individual empowerment and facilitate processes for change (Catalani and Minkler, 2010). Australian researchers sought to investigate different views on the nature of cyber bullying in Australian schools as part of a large-scale national study (Campbell et al., 2010). They worked with students in schools to try and get a picture of what happens when cyber bullying occurs and also to find out what current cyber bullying prevention strategies were in place. Photo-story was used to express the perspectives of the about the particular issue of Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Assessing bullying 179 bullying. They involved students in photographing visual images (using their own cameras) that showed their perceptions of cyber bullying and how to prevent it, so that this information could be used to develop effective prevention strategies for schools. In Figure 8.5 an example of a Year 8 student’s perception of cyber bullying is provided from this study (with permission). Data from secondary schools across South Australia and Queensland schools was collected and subjected to thematic analysis to identify the perceptions, concerns and ideas of students for coping with cyber bullying. Figure 8.5 Cyberbullying is no joke! 180 Assessing bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Cross-cultural research using photo-story In a further illustration of the power and reach of the photo-story procedure the author have recently been part of an ongoing research project in India (Skrzypiec et al., 2015). The study highlighted the value of the method in cross-cultural research. The photo-story procedure involved schools in the Punjab utilizing students to photograph and tell a story about their experience of bullying. The utility of the methodology is highlighted in as much as the students using an iPad could take a photo and with a free downloadable app could write a story about their experience in their own words and then email the story direct to the researcher in Australia. Figure 8.6 depicts one such drawing received from a Punjabi student as part of the project. Further details regarding this project and the application of the photo-story method are in Skrzypiec et al. (2015). Figure 8.6 An Indian school student’s experience of bullying Assessing bullying 181 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Summary In light of the significant focus by researchers on school bullying, some careful consideration has been given to the issues of the assessment of bullying. In this chapter we have approached the matter of assessment in the context of the ethics of research with children and young people, and the related notion of student voice as an authentic aspect of data gathering. We have embedded the discussion in the context of the philosophy underpinning the research endeavor, arguing that it directly informs the nature and type of data gathered. We have provided an overview of a range of methods, including the mainstream empirical methodologies, and the new paradigm research approaches. Guidelines for practice A simple and practical way to gather information on school bullying and safety is to employ a map of the school or a photo-story procedure (Wyra et al., 2011). The procedure for using a map of the school is outlined below. Details of the procedure for using a photo-story method are in Wyra et al. (2011). Students color a map of the school indicating risks for being bullied: 1 2 3 Colour red where bullying often/always occurs. Colour yellow where bullying occurs sometimes. Colour green where bullying never/rarely occurs. 182 Assessing bullying What have you learnt? Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 1 Describe the various types of knowledge. ________________________________________________________ 2 Discuss why the type of knowledge is important for research methodology. ________________________________________________________ 3 Identify the different kinds of research design described in this chapter. ________________________________________________________ 4 True or false? (i) A field study is an ex-post-facto, or ‘after the fact’, investigation. (T/F) (ii) In a field experiment the researcher has no control over the independent variable(s) of the events being studied. (T/F) (iii) A laboratory study provides the opportunity to hold constant those extraneous variables that might influence behavior. (T/F) (iv) ‘New paradigm’ research refers to research outside the mainstream empirical tradition. (T/F) 5 Describe what ‘photo-story’ means. ________________________________________________________ Activity Identify a research design you could employ to assess bullying in your school. References Andreou, E. and Bonoti, F. (2010). Children’s bullying experiences expressed through drawings and self-reports. School Psychology International, 31, 164–177. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Assessing bullying 183 Bessell, A. G., Deese, W. B., and Medina, A. L. (2007). Photolanguage: How a picture can inspire a thousand words. American Journal of Evaluation, 28(4), 558–569. Bosacki, S. L., Marini, Z. A., and Dane, A. V. (2007). Voices from the classroom: Pictorial and narrative representations of children’s bullying experiences. Journal of Moral Education, 35, 231–245. Campbell, M. A., Cross, D., Spears, B., and Slee, P. (2010). Cyberbullying: Legal implications for schools. CSE Occasional Paper no. 118. Melbourne: CSE. Cantone, E., Piras, A. 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Human inquiry in action: Developments in new paradigm research. London: Sage. Rigby, K. and Johnson, B. (2006). Expressed readiness of Australian schoolchildren to act as bystanders in support of children who are being bullied. Educational Psychology, 26(3), 425–440. Rigby, K. and Slee, P. T. (1991). Bullying among Australian school children: Reported behaviour and attitudes towards victims. Journal of Social Psychology, 131, 615–627. Rigby, K. and Slee, P. T. (1995). Manual for the Peer Relations Questionnaire (PRQ). Adelaide: University of South Australia. Robinson, T. N., Wilde, M. L., Navracruz, L. C., Haydel, K. F., and Varady, A. (2000). Effects of reducing children’s television and video game use on aggressive behavior: A randomized controlled trial. Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine, 155, 17–31. Schulz, A. J., Parker, E. A., Israel, B. A., Becker, A. B., Maciak, B. J., and Hollis, R. (1998). Conducting a participatory community-based survey for a community health intervention on Detroit’s east side. Journal of Public Health Management and Practice, 4(2), 10–24. Shute, R., Owens, L., and Slee, P. (2008). Everyday victimization of adolescent girls by boys: Sexual harassment, bullying or aggression? Sex Roles, 58(7–8), 477–489. Shute, R. and Slee, P. T (2015). Child development: Theories and critical perspectives. Abingdon: Routledge. Skrzypiec, G., Murray-Harvey, R., and Krieg, S. (2013). The PhotoStory method as a legitimate research tool in evaluations: More than a nice story. Australian Journal of Early Childhood, 38(3), 25–35. Skrzypiec, G. K., Slee, P. T., and Sandhu, D. (2015). Using the PhotoStory method to understand the cultural context of youth victimization in the Punjab. International Journal of Emotional Education, 7(1), 52–68. Slee, P. T. (1987). Child observation skills. Beckenham, Kent: Croom Helm. Slee, P. T. (1994). Bullying: It’s hard not to feel helpless. Children Australia, 18, 14–16. Slee, P. T., Campbell, M., and Spears, B. (2012). Child, adolescent and family development (3rd edn). Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. Slee, P. T. and Skrzypiec, G. K. (2015). No more bullying: An analysis of primary school children’s drawings of school bullying. Educational Psychology, April. doi: 10.1080/01443410.2015. Smith, P. K. (2014). Understanding school bullying: Its nature and prevention strategies. Los Angeles, CA: Sage. Spears, B ., Slee, P., Campbell, M. A., and Cross, D. (2011). Educational change and youth voice: Informing school action on cyberbullying. CSE Occasional Papers. Melbourne. Tabaeian, S., Amiri, S., and Molavi, H. (2012). Factor analysis, reliability confergent and discriminate validity of the Peer Relations Questionnaire. Studies in Learning and Instruction, 3(2), 17–19. Teo, T. (1997). Developmental psychology and the relevance of critical metatheoretical reflection. Human Development, 40, 195–210. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 186 Assessing bullying Tripodi, T. (1981). The logic of research design (pp. 198–225). In R. M. Grinnel (ed.), Social work research and evaluation. Itasca, IL: Peacock. Valentine, G. (1996). Children should be seen and not heard? The roles of children in public space. Urban Geography, 17, 205–220. Wang, C. C. and Burris, M. A. (1994). Empowerment through photo novella: Portraits of participation. Health Education Quarterly, 21, 171–186. Wang, C. C. and Burris, M. A. (1997). Photovoice: Concept, methodology, and use for participatory needs assessment. Health Education Behavior, 24, 369–387. Wang, C., Cash, J. L., and Powers, L. S. (2000). Who knows the streets as well as the homeless? Promoting personal and action through photovoice. Health Promotion Practice, 1(1), 81–89. Wilkin, A. and Liamputtong, P. (2010). The photovoice method: Researching the experiences of Aboriginal health workers through photographs. Australian Journal of Primary Health, 16(3), 231–239. Wyra, M., Lawson, M., and Askell-Williams, H. (2011). Teacher’s wellbeing during schoolyard supervision: A photovoice study (pp. 165–176). In R. A. Shute, P. T. Slee, R. Murray-Harvey, and K. L. Dix (eds), Mental health and wellbeing: Educational perspectives. Adelaide, SA: Shannon Research Press. Chapter 9 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Coping with school bullying Key terms: bullying; interventions; victimization; coping; duty of care; mental health Introduction We are mad – not merely privately, but publicly. We prohibit manslaughter and isolated murders, but what of war and the much vaunted crime of slaughtering whole peoples? Seneca As highlighted in earlier chapters, international research is very clear in showing that bullying occurs in every school, and that it is a physically harmful, psychologically damaging and socially isolating experience for those who experience it. As a consequence it is an imperative to develop successful school-based intervention strategies to help students cope with bullying, including cyber bullying. Research suggests however, that students have a very limited repertoire of strategies for dealing with bullying generally (Owens et al., 2004; Kanetsuna et al., 2006; Murray-Harvey et al., 2012). This chapter outlines what is currently known about schools as ‘settings’ for school-based interventions, including cyber bullying, and outlines the matter of how students ‘cope’ with bullying, illustrated by a program developed by the author and colleagues. 188 Coping with school bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Point of interest Understanding bullying: an overview Bullying has been conceived broadly as the systematic abuse of power (Smith et al., 2002). It is a deliberate form of aggressive behavior, perpetrated by a more powerful individual or group, that is unfair or unjustified and is typically repeated. The severity of bullying extends along a continuum from acts that are comparatively mild, as in insensitive teasing or taunting, to extremely severe, as in repeated violent physical assaults or deliberate and unjustifiable total exclusion by peers. Bullying may be classified as direct, as in face-to-face physical and verbal harassment, or indirect, as in unfair exclusion or rumour spreading. The latest iteration of bullying, cyber bullying, involves the deliberate (mis)use of technology to target another person, such as the sending of anonymous and abusive messages by email. Researchers (e.g. Campbell, 2005; Cross et al., 2009; Spears et al., 2009) have drawn attention to the emergent forms of cyber bullying and the new understandings regarding definitional issues that have arisen as a result. In contrast to face-to-face bullying, the limits of cyber bullying are difficult to define. For instance, a single image can be forwarded countless times to innumerable people, a message can be pervasive and difficult to stop, an aggressor can remain unidentified, hiding through multiple profiles, maintaining anonymity and making it harder for the victim to defend, escape or identify (and as a result, act to stop the behaviors). It is important to note that while young people are often considered the masters of the cyber world (especially the socializing aspects of it) they are the ones who are at greatest risk of being exposed to cyber bullying behaviors (see Chapter 8). In addition, they are often the ones responsible for engaging in cyber bullying and other inappropriate behaviors. Furthermore, there is evidence that a large proportion of those who engage in cyber bullying do so against those individuals who are considered friends. Spears et al. (2009) found that bullying behaviors cycled between school and on-line (cyber) and back again, suggesting a clear link with existing relationships. In addition, research evidence at the present time is a little conflicting, with some evidence suggesting that although there is an overlap between those who engage in face-to-face and cyber bullying, a large number of those who engage in cyber bullying behaviors or were victimized were not involved in face-to-face bullying (Campbell et al., 2010). Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Coping with school bullying 189 Furthermore, the impact of cyber bullying on mental health and emotional response is only just beginning to be understood, though it has been posited that it will be greater, possibly due to the 24/7 nature of it, the anonymity aspects and the broader audience available, not to mention the power that the written and visual electronic media can have (Spears et al., 2009; Cross et al., 2009; Campbell et al., 2010). Schools as ‘settings’ for interventions and health promotion Schools have ready-made populations of students that can be identified for general, as well as specific, health promotion initiatives such as school bullying. The focus of such initiatives in schools has moved, in accordance with World Health Organisation recommendations, towards a ‘settings’ approach, which is reflected in the concept of the health-promoting school (Slee and Skrzypiec, 2016). As defined by King (1998, p. 128), ‘A settings approach locates public health action in the social, cultural and physical places in which children live, learn and play.’ Such initiatives include the Australian ‘KidsMatter Primary’ (Slee et al., 2009) and ‘KidsMatter Early Childhood’ (Slee et al., 2012). Schools are complex organizations that pose significant challenges for the delivery and evaluation of health promotion initiatives (Askell-Williams et al, 2008). Spears et al. (2011) further highlighted the role that facilitators and barriers to educational change play in the successful implementation of initiatives, such as whole school approaches to bullying. The idea of a ‘whole school’ approach to addressing bullying is discussed further in Chapter 10. Even within a cluster of settings that may be structurally alike in some ways (such as schools within the same educational system), conditions can vary widely. For example, Askell-Williams et al. (2009) identified a range of personal and social conditions, such as students’ and teachers’ background knowledge, existing programs, availability of resources, and leadership commitment to the aims of the initiatives, that vary across schools. These types of factors may impact on the success or otherwise of anti-bullying initiatives. In considering schools as sites for mental health promotion initiatives such as school bullying, the matter of how an intervention developed outside of the school is taken up and enacted in the often ‘messy’ and typically busy world of the classroom is significant. The question of how an intervention program is conducted faithfully in the classroom is a vitally important issue because it reflects on the outcomes of the program, which brings us to the matter of the effectiveness of school-based interventions and factors that enhance and degrade effective implementation. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 190 Coping with school bullying In Chapter 3 consideration was given to the P.E.A.C.E. Pack (Preparation, Education, Action, Coping, Evaluation) for addressing school bullying (Slee, 2001). The P.E.A.C.E. Pack is an intervention program dealing with bullying in schools and presents school-based strategies that have been shown to reduce school bullying. Teachers, students, principals, parents and school administrators from day-care centres, kindergartens and primary and secondary schools have all contributed to the development of the P.E.A.C.E. Pack. Particularly valuable contributions to the package were made by the representatives of various secondary and primary schools who met in focus groups over the course of two years to develop, implement and evaluate intervention programs for reducing school bullying. The acronym P.E.A.C.E. has been used to help organize the material presented in this package under the following headings: ‘P’ ‘E’ ‘A’ ‘C’ ‘E’ Preparation and consideration of the nature of the problem. Education and understanding of the issues by those concerned. Action taken and strategies developed to reduce bullying. Coping strategies which are implemented for staff, students and parents. Evaluation and review of the program in place at school. An important element of the program is ‘C’, i.e. enhancing the coping skills and strategies of staff, students and parents. All too frequently the focus of anti-bullying programs is on helping students cope, but in an important systemic sense any intervention should also address how important other individuals, such as parents, cope with bullying. Its use in intervention programs will be described later in this chapter but as a precursor attention now turns to the concept of coping. The nature of coping with school bullying Spence et al. (2009) have noted the importance of coping skills, given the evidence that ineffective coping (e.g. aggressive response) generally is associated with an escalation of the victimization, contrasting with effective coping, which is associated with a decline in victimization. The same authors report that their research suggests that young people’s difficulties in regulating their emotional responses to bullying (e.g. aggression) pose a small but significant risk factor for future victimization. In earlier research Newman (2008) presented the idea of ‘adaptive helpseeking’, which is essentially teaching students when it is appropriate to seek help. The author described adaptive help-seeking and contrasted it with two non-adaptive responses to harassment (i.e. seeking help when it is unnecessary and failure to seek help when it is necessary). Kokkinos et al. (2015) reported in a study of Greek adolescents that ineffective coping was also associated with higher levels of victimization, where self-efficacy Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Coping with school bullying 191 moderated the effect while higher adaptive coping was associated with greater self-efficacy. A criticism directed at research relating to school bullying is that it is essentially a-theoretical (see Chapter 3). In fact, various approaches addressing the matter of interventions are generally underpinned by some theoretical understanding that that can be identified in terms of social learning theory, humanistic theory or systems-based models (Shute and Slee, 2015). The position adopted in the present text is that schools are ‘relationship saturated’ environments (see Chapter 1) and school bullying is a relationship issue (Murray-Harvey and Slee, 2010). The pivotal role of relationships in the student’s learning points to the need for schools to not only have policies and procedures for dealing with aggressive behavior, but to also include a positive relationship-building dimension to the interactions among teachers and students and between students at school (Slee, 2001). An important element of this outlook is helping students develop coping skills. Trends and issues Emotional regulation and bullying Emotional regulation has been described as the capacity to moderate one’s emotions, the ability to maintain cognitive processes and behavior within a manageable range. The suggested evidence is that children/young people who are victimized and demonstrate poor emotional regulation are at risk for poor coping (Spence et al., 2009). Evidence-based support on coping with school bullying According to Lazarus and Folkman (1984), coping relates to how one deals with stress, where stress refers to environmental elements that impact on physical or psychological functioning in a disruptive manner. Coping strategies may be categorized as ‘approach’ or ‘avoidance’ (Causey and Dubow, 1992; Lazarus, 1984) where ‘approach’ includes positive strategies which may decrease the likelihood of continued victimization, such as seeking help or support from others to stop the victimization. Not quite so effective are ‘avoidance’ approaches, such as denial and refusal to think about an incident after it has happened. However, as Kochenderfer-Ladd and Ladd (2001) suggest, how effective each strategy might be is dependent on the context, and any strategy which is used which reduces the bullying may be beneficial, while any that result in no change may be harmful. Coping Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 192 Coping with school bullying strategies are dependent on internal (self-esteem, intelligence, personality) and external (social support, changes in circumstances) mechanisms and these influence the success of coping (Folkman et al., 1986). The coping resources of children may be severely taxed by repeated experiences of stress (Lazarus, 1984). Bullying incidents which are frequent and occur over long periods of time may overwhelm the coping capabilities of victims. The type of bullying directed at victims, such as name calling or physical bullying, may also influence how well one copes (KochenderferLadd and Ladd, 2001). Reflection Why do you think some students will not report if they are bullied? Does this tendency differ by age and gender? ‘Tell someone’ So that children and young people can be helped to address a bullying situation, an important element of many anti-bullying programs is encouraging victims to tell someone (Glover et al., 2000). Indeed, this is the number one coping strategy reported by trainee teachers as the tactic they would most recommend to students (Nicolaides et al., 2002; Spears et al., 2010). In addition, victims are also encouraged to speak to their parents or guardians, and in some schools peer support systems have been developed to counsel or advise other pupils (Naylor and Cowie, 1999; Sharp and Smith, 1994). However, the fact is that many victims do not seek help. This could be due to a fear of retaliation from bullies and shame over peers’ perceptions of them (Naylor and Cowie, 1999, Naylor et al., 2001). Smith and Shu (2000) found that around 30 percent of bullied pupils in English schools told no-one, and this was more likely amongst boys (40 percent) than girls (20 percent). Cross et al. (2009) note that students in Australia report that only in rare cases does the bullying stop when an adult is told, with almost 50 percent indicating it stays the same, while in some instances it gets worse. Parents and school bullying Any effective whole-school intervention program to reduce school bullying will incorporate parents. In early research Eslea and Smith (1998) have reported a strong correlation between the involvement of parents in 193 anti-bullying programs and the success of the interventions. Surveys of 433 Australian parents of primary and secondary school students by the author indicated that 88 percent of parents believed students should ‘not put up with it and they should tell someone’. They survey indicated that 64 percent of parents would discuss the problem with the teacher. In all, 47 percent expect teachers to be able to give the most practical advice for dealing with bullying (Figure 9.1). In the sample, 73 percent of parents wanted some public discussion/consultation about the issue: these parents indicated that if their child was being bullied or was bullying others at school they would want the school to contact the parents of the students involved. Furthermore, Australian research by the author suggests that, unfortunately, parents would not always know if their secondary school child was being bullied at school. In matching parent and child responses the research discovered that while 80 percent of parents believed that their child would tell them if they were being bullied, only 30 percent of secondary students indicated that they would in fact tell their parents (Slee, unpublished). Reflection If you had been bullied at school would you have told your parents? 50 47 45 42 40 35 Percent of parents Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Coping with school bullying 30 25 20 15 8 10 5 2 1 No-one Parent 0 Class teacher Principal Other person Figure 9.1 Parents’ views about who would give the most practical advice if their child was being bullied 194 Coping with school bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Teachers and school bullying Askell-Williams and Murray-Harvey (2016) have discussed the educational needs of adult learners including teachers who are responsible for the delivery of mental health programs. They identified ‘structural’ (content and mode of delivery of programs) and ‘functional’ (professional collaboration, active learning and professional practices such as attitudes and beliefs) factors that impact on professional education. That is, these ‘structural’ and ‘functional’ factors have an important bearing on the effective delivery of school-based intervention programs. Importantly, they concluded that if such factors are not accounted for in the delivery of programs, ‘mental health initiatives that are proven to be successful in small, well-resourced trials are unlikely to achieve their expected outcomes when up-scaled to larger populations’ (p. 85). Early research (e.g. O’Moore, 2000) had earlier highlighted the importance of understanding teachers’ attitudes and beliefs about bullying as part of any intervention program. In relation to the Olweus Bullying Program described earlier in this book, Kallestad and Olweus (2003) found that factors impacting on the implementation of the program included staff views on the importance of addressing bullying, their familiarity with the program , their perceptions of the degree of bullying in their classroom, their own experiences of victimization as a child, and their emotional responsiveness and empathy towards children who are bullied. O’Moore (2000) has persuasively argued for both pre- and in-service training to include: • • • • • description of bullying; information regarding the frequency of bullying; effects and outcomes of bullying; causes of the issue; intervention strategies. Spears et al. (2015) examined the role of pre-service teachers’ knowledge of bullying and cyber bullying as contributors to school climate when they enter the profession, with a view to sustaining and maintaining anti-bullying interventions already in place. Their research built on that by Bauman and Del Rio (2005; 2006) and Bauman et al. (2008) amongst others. However, the beliefs, attitudes and understandings of pre-service teachers regarding bullying, and more recently cyber bullying, remains largely unclear. In an unpublished pilot study (by the author), third-year pre-service teachers (n = 76) from one South Australian university responded to questions in a larger on-line survey about their understanding of aggression and bullying, including their views regarding the law. Of concern is the main finding that they largely failed to distinguish between bullying and aggression, and typically omitted two of the three critical components which distinguish it Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Coping with school bullying 195 from aggression per se: the power imbalance and repetition components of bullying behavior. This suggests that they do not have the knowledge or skills at this stage of their pre-service teacher education, to readily or clearly determine which behaviors could be identified as bullying. Further to this, 29.3 percent of the respondents indicated that they did not feel informed about school bullying and 45.3 percent did not feel capable of dealing with bullying. This small-scale study highlights the need to incorporate more information and content regarding bullying in teachers’ pre-service training. Coping with face-to-face school bullying In an Australian study (Murray-Harvey et al., 2012) 1,223 students across years 8–10 (i.e. 13–15 years old) in three South Australian high schools completed a 26-item Coping with Bullying questionnaire about how they dealt with bullying, and 82 informed professionals (‘IPs’ such as school counsellors and researchers) rated the effectiveness of each strategy along with its applicability to different bullying types (physical, verbal, social, covert). Informed professionals generally agreed on which were effective and ineffective strategies, and there was also a consensus that the same strategies were appropriate for all types of bullying. Productive, Other-focused strategies were regarded by informed professionals as most effective for coping with bullying. Among these were strategies such as talking to family members or professionals outside school, talking to teachers and counsellors at school and using the school’s anti-bullying and harassment policies and procedures; all indicative of students eliciting support from others who are well positioned to act for or on behalf of them. However, it was found that seriously bullied students reported under-using the productive, other-focused strategies rated by informed professionals as effective and instead reported using non-productive strategies such as avoidance and denial. More research is needed to provide evidence about whether telling someone actually helps victims escape from victimization, particularly given the prominence accorded to it in much school anti-bullying work. Coping with cyber bullying-students As noted earlier the matter of cyber bullying may in fact raise particular questions with regard to coping, given its 24/7 nature, near-anonymity and the broader audience available, not to mention the power that the written and visual electronic media can have. Another complicating factor is that cyber bullying is often perpetrated amongst ‘friends’ and not by a relatively unknown third person or persons. Simplistically, education authorities and parent advocates will frequently propose measures to assist with coping in terms of ‘banning’, ‘blocking’ or restricting access to technology. As reported by Spears et al. (2011), young people at the Cooperation of Science and Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 196 Coping with school bullying Technology (COST) Australian Research Training School on cyber bullying, held in Melbourne in 2010 (COST/DIISR, 2010), called for opportunities to be the teachers and educators of parents, teachers and others, and to provide the professional learning in schools. Young people at this event challenged researchers to recognize their lived experiences and expertise and to engage with them as co-researchers, where such partnerships deepen each other’s learning and understanding (see Chapter 8). Providing an opportunity such as this, which gave them power through their knowledge and experience, and positioned them as equal to researchers and adults, resulted in the development of a ‘Youth Statement’ (see Slee et al., 2011, p. 23), in which these young people articulated that they wanted: • • • • • • • • A clear definition of what cyber bullying is,  including consequences and effects. Clarity around policy, i.e.  what inappropriate behaviors do we mean? Education for themselves and their parents and peers  in cyber safety; e.g. how to use Facebook.  privacy settings and what they really mean. Adults to acknowledge the importance of how children and young people cope with cyber bullying. Research in every country to identify the nature of the problem which feeds into addressing the issues. Increased communication between students and teachers. To promote the notion that it’s OK to talk about experiences of cyber bullying to help those who are victimized in future. Researchers to identify strategies for parents, to give support/advice to their children. Some further complexities of the issues are encapsulated in Campbell et al.’s (2010) attention to the legal aspects in their discussion of the criminal and civil law aspects as applied to cyber bullying (see Chapter 10). As noted earlier, in developing an understanding of the issues associated with cyber bullying (including coping) it is imperative to listen to the ‘voices’ of the stakeholders, that is the young people themselves (Spears et al., 2011). The ‘Coping with Bullying’ intervention program The Coping with Bullying program is the outcome of 20 years of research by the School of Education at Flinders University, including the successful delivery of the program in countries such as Japan, Australia and Greece (see Skrzypiec et al., 2013). The program is part of the broader P.E.A.C.E. Pack framework for implementing anti-bullying programs in schools, as described in Chapter 3. Coping with school bullying 197 Intervention Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 ‘Coping with Bullying’ (CWB) intervention package The teacher package includes the ‘Coping with Bullying’ DVD (including four bullying scenarios, namely physical, verbal, relational and cyber bullying), outlines for eight lessons, supporting information and class activity materials and resources, and pre- and post-questionnaires. The package also includes a short (5-minute) Powerpoint professional development (PD) for the teachers involved. Further details of the CWB program are provided in Slee and Skrzypiec (2016) Delivery and content of the program Teachers typically deliver the program over eight lessons as part of pastoral care or home-group curriculum (35–45 minutes). The teachers participating in the training receive a half-day training session which includes student work books, teacher feedback sheets, pre-and post-questionnaires, and recommendations for bullying/harassment policy. Data is collected regarding the multiple ways in which students report they are bullied, and the relationship to coping. Data is also collected regarding the coping strategies that ‘seriously’ bullied students use compared with what school counsellors would advise. The framework is theoretically based on a systems perspective, emphasizing that we must identify key aspects of school systems that influence students’ abilities to achieve wellbeing and promote their learning. Questions are also included to assess wellbeing (Slee and Skrzypiec, 2016). The five generally agreed upon core SEL competencies (Durlak et al., 2011) include: • • • • • self-awareness self-management social awareness relationship skills responsible decision making. The quality assurance of a school-based program The gap between research and practice has been a long-standing concern. The increasing demand for evidence-based practice means an increasing need for more practice-based evidence. As Durlak and DuPre (2008) note: social scientists recognize that developing effective interventions is only the first step toward improving the health and well-being of populations. Transferring effective programs into real world settings and maintaining 198 Coping with school bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 them there is a complicated, long-term process that requires dealing effectively with the successive, complex phases of program diffusion. (p. 327) There is a growing body of research, referred to as translational research, that addresses how best to transfer effective programs into real-world settings such as schools and classrooms. Shute and Slee (2015; 2016) and Slee and Skrzypiec (2016) have examined the issue of quality assurance in relation to mental health, well-being and anti-bullying programs. As Shute and Slee (2015) have described it, quality assurance involves the development of evaluation standards as part of evidence-based practice. Durlak et al. (2011) identified a number of key elements that should be incorporated in the implementation of any school-based program to help ensure quality and maximize outcomes from the intervention: • • • • • Adherence (fidelity, compliance) the core components of a program are delivered as intended. Exposure (dosage) the extent to which the original program has been delivered as intended. Participant responsiveness assesses participant interest in, and engagement with, the program. Quality of delivery relates to the quality of instruction. Program differentiation is the extent to which the program is different from other programs. Reflection Hymel and colleagues (2009) have suggested that a focus on the prosocial aspects of ‘moral agency’ and the development of ‘true empathy’ in both bullies and bystanders may be the way forward in research. Discuss this idea. An understanding of these domains is important in evaluations which seek to test the outcomes and effectiveness of intervention programs, as each poses a threat to program validity (Slee et al., 2011; Skrzypiec and Slee, 2016). Coping with school bullying 199 Implementing programs in classrooms Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 An important feature of successful programs identified by Durlak and colleagues (2011) related to the nature of the conduct of the intervention. Their review identified that programs which were: • • • • • interactive; engaged students with ‘coaching and role-playing’; utilized sets of ‘structured activities; had ‘set goals’; and had stronger SEL outcomes. These qualities of program delivery fall under the acronym SAFE (sequenced, active, focused and explicit). In an earlier review of successful anti-bullying programs Farrington and Ttofi (2009) identified the following components: parent training; improved playground teacher supervision; improved disciplinary measures; school conferences with parents; use of videos as part of the program presentations; provision of information on bullying for parents; and improved classroom management and rules. Findings from the P.E.A.C.E. Pack school intervention program As Murray-Harvey and Slee (2010, p. 271) have noted, ‘it is important that schools provide an environment that makes it possible for their students to thrive and to achieve, not only academically but in all ways that relate to their overall well-being’. The findings from a range of Australian school interventions at primary and secondary school level have been reported using the P.E.A.C.E. Pack program (Slee, 1994; 1996; Slee and Mohyla, 2007). Typically these interventions have resulted in reductions of selfreported school victimization from 17 percent to 29 percent. Internationally, aspects of the P.E.A.C.E. Pack have been translated into Japanese and the program implemented in a number of Japanese middle schools (Taki, 1997). In the Japanese year-long school-based interventions the implementation of the program has produced reductions in self-reported school bullying of up to 27 percent. Findings from the P.E.A.C.E. Pack program interventions highlight that for schools considering adopting an anti-bullying program the following factors should be considered: 1 2 whether the program has an identifiable theoretical base; whether there have been independent evaluations conducted of the program; 200 3 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 4 Coping with school bullying the extent to which the program identifies the ‘pill and dose’, i.e. the number, nature and quality of the lessons; whether the program is developmentally appropriate and is nuanced to suit the age of the students involved. Shute and Slee (2015) have also reviewed key elements that provide a platform for the delivery of well-being programs and drawn attention to the contributions that Developmentally Appropriate Practice (DAP) and Applied Developmental Science (ADS) have made to our understanding. An example of an international intervention program Nationally and internationally there is now a long overdue focus on the well-being and health of young people in the education sector (Shute and Slee, 2015). Put simply, the concept of well-being refers to optimal psychological functioning and experience. Schools typically and teachers generally have always seen it as part of their role to support and encourage children’s all-round development, including their cognitive, interpersonal, social, aesthetic, physical and moral/spiritual growth. The evidence is now also clear that social and emotional learning promotes academic learning. Now the focus is more strongly on well-being and is reflected in an emphasis on prevention, resilience, building strengths, competence and capacity, and not just intervention. In considering young people’s well-being it is necessary to broaden the outlook beyond that of the individual, and there are significant advantages to understanding well-being in a broader community context. Challenges facing young people today, for example, arise out of changing family structures and interpersonal and peer relationship issues such as school bullying. Being bullied is a stressful experience – in fact it is one of the most distressing experiences that anyone can face, as we have identified in this book. Bullying occurs in every school, as international research shows, and we now better understand that bullying is physically, socially and psychologically damaging, with the hurt extending beyond the victim to the bully and the bystanders who witness the activity. As such it is very important to develop successful interventions to help students cope with bullying, including cyber bullying. As reviewed in this chapter, students have a very limited repertoire of strategies for dealing with bullying generally, and they need specific training in making use of effective coping strategies for different types of bullying. ‘Flourishing at School and at Home’ program The Maltese Ministry for Education and Employment (MEDE), in collaboration with the Centre for Resilience and Socio-Emotional Health at Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Coping with school bullying 201 the University of Malta, engaged Flinders University to undertake the evaluation, by a team of researchers located in the Flinders University Centre for Student Wellbeing and Prevention of Violence (SWAPv). The intervention involved pre- and post-test data collection using a purpose-designed ‘wellbeing questionnaire’ for Form 1 (9–12 years old) Maltese students (n = approx. 2,000) students involving 55 teachers who delivered the program as part of their normal pastoral care lessons. The teachers undertook a professional development workshop delivered by members of SWAPv. Along with specific lessons developed for teachers by well-being teachers, it was emphasized that the lessons needed to be: • • • • interactive, engaging students with ‘coaching and role-playing’; utilizing sets of ‘structured activities’; consistent with ‘set goals’ for each week. The framework based on the P.E.A.C.E. Pack is theoretically based on a systems perspective, emphasizing that we must identify key aspects of school systems that influence students’ abilities to achieve well-being and promote their learning. The findings from the implementation and evaluation of the Flourishing at School and at Home program for Form 1 Maltese coeducational middleschool students highlighted a number of significant points. The implementation and quality assurance of a school-based intervention proved to be a complex, multi-faceted matter requiring careful consideration. For example, although PD was provided for teachers, a follow-up interview with staff at one of the schools where there was a significant reduction in bullying and an increase in student well-being highlighted how easily disrupted even the most carefully planned and delivered program can be. School assemblies, fire drills and student absenteeism were factors disrupting the delivery of the lessons. However, the evaluation confirmed that the issue of bullying is at a significant level amongst Maltese Form 1 students but that teachers can effectively intervene to reduce the level of ‘serious bullying’ in their classrooms and schools. Cyber bullying was now a reality for one in ten Maltese students. Productive coping strategies can be taught, but further consideration is needed regarding how best to deliver such skills in the classroom context. The well-being of Form 1 ‘seriously bullied’ students improved, with significant gains in enjoyment of school and feelings of confidence in expressing opinions. A broad outline of the program is provided in Table 9.1. As touched upon earlier, important components in the delivery of the program included: 202 Coping with school bullying Table 9.1 Brief outline of the eight lessons (delivered over four weeks) of the ‘Flourishing at School and at Home’ program (the lessons provide the basis for the PD sessions which preceded the program) Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Week 1 Lesson 1: Introduction and pre-assessment using a purpose-designed questionnaire Lesson 2: ‘Inclusion and Relationships’ DVD on relational bullying Week 2 Lesson 3: ‘Resilience’ DVD on verbal bullying Lesson 4: ‘Self Concept’ DVD on physical bullying Week 3 Lesson 5: ‘Optimism’ DVD on cyber bullying Lesson 6: Student voice – focus on strengthening bystander intervention Week 4 Lesson 7: Evaluating school policy documents relating to bullying and grievance procedures Lesson 8: Celebration – post-test assessment using a purpose-designed questionnaire • • • • • • professional development for the teachers; a focus on the five core SEL competencies, e.g. self awareness (described earlier in this chapter); discrete lesson plans developed by teachers for the teachers, taking into account the developmental level of the students; a DVD on elements of bullying that had been scripted and performed by students; an emphasis in the delivery of lessons on interactive group-work delivery, role playing, and diary reflections on personal learning at the end of each lesson; a focus in each lesson on the development of new positive coping skills. Overall, the Malta intervention using the P.E.A.C.E Pack highlighted that teach coping skills in an explicit manner is more effective than teaching about bullying generally. Students who are bullied use a different array of ‘coping’ strategies than those which ‘experts’ advocate. Students bullied in multiple ways were coping less well than other bullied students (Slee, Skrzypiec, Cefai and Fabri, 2016). Some implications for school practice As Murray-Harvey and Slee (2010, p. 271) have noted, ‘it is important that schools provide an environment that makes it possible for their students to Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Coping with school bullying 203 thrive and to achieve, not only academically but in all ways that relate to their overall well-being’. It is well accepted that education is positively related to health, and that schools play a key role in promoting healthy behaviors and attitudes. The responsibility of educators as reported by the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (McGoldrick, 1991) for protecting children’s quality of life and their rights to be educated in a safe environment, free from all forms of violence, victimization, harassment, and neglect, is understood (Cross et al., 2011). The National Safe schools Framework (2010) affirms the need for all Australian schools to provide a learning environment free from bullying and harassment. Given the sheer quantity of research and the ready availability of antibullying programs, the daunting task facing school administrators concerns how to choose the best quality programs that are underpinned by an evidence base, and how these may translate into effective anti-cyber bullying approaches. Reflection Hymel and Craig (2009) report that over time boys and girls use different coping styles in relation to victimization. Why might this be so? Summary In summary, school bullying, including emergent forms of cyber bullying, is an all too frequent aspect of young people’s lives and it has a negative impact on the well-being of all those involved. Evidence with regard to translational research indicates that schools are a very obvious setting for well-being and health-promotion activities, and that teachers can effectively deliver evidence-based programs that make a difference to the well-being of young people. Australia is one of the few countries in the world to have in place a national framework (the National Safe Schools Framework – http:// safeschoolshub.edu.au/, accessed 24 September 2016) within which to consider the matter of the well-being of young people in our schools. To continue to provide leadership in the field of matters that affect the wellbeing of our students, it is very important to maintain a focus on research to inform our practice. In particular, the contemporary issue of cyber bullying is one that requires urgent attention to meet the needs of the young people affected, the families involved and the educational institutions which are at the forefront in addressing the matter at both a policy and practical level. 204 Coping with school bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Guidelines for practice In this chapter we have referred to schools as ‘settings’ for anti-bullying interventions and we referred to King (1998, p. 128), who noted that ‘A settings approach locates public health action in the social, cultural and physical places in which children live, learn and play.’ As generally noted, the key principles of a settings approach include community participation, partnership, empowerment and equity. However, it was also noted in this chapter that various barriers and facilitators are evident which impact on the development and delivery of health promoting programs, such as anti-bullying initiatives, students’ and teachers’ background knowledge, availability of resources, leadership, etc. Think about your school and identify the various barriers and facilitators to implementing an anti-bullying program. What have you learnt? 1 Describe what a ‘settings approach’ is. ________________________________________________________ 2 Coping strategies may be categorized as ‘approach’ or ‘avoidance’ – describe characteristics of each. ________________________________________________________ 3 Discuss the idea that ‘telling someone’ is an effective coping strategy. ________________________________________________________ 4 True or false? (i) Coping relates to how one deals with stress. 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New York: Guilford Press. Wandersman, A., Duffy, J., Flaspohler, P., Noonan, R., Lubell, K., Stillman, L., Blachman, M., Dunville, R., and Saul, J. (2008). Bridging the gap between prevention research and practice: The interactive systems framework for dissemination and implementation. American Journal of Community Psychology, 41, 171–181. Chapter 10 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Issues in addressing school bullying Key terms: bullying; victimization; coping; duty of care; mental health Introduction Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful citizens can change the world. Indeed, it is the only thing that ever has. Margaret Mead In this final chapter, written for school administrators, and school counsellors in particular, consideration is given to a number of contentious issues. We first consider the nature of school-based interventions and evidence for their effectiveness. Another important matter concerns legal issues which face schools in terms of bullying, and research by the author will be used to address this issue. A related concern for schools is what constitutes best practice in developing school policy and grievance procedures. The author’s experience with the effective implementation of coping with bullying and promoting mental health programs in schools will be used to identify the key elements in implementing evidence-based anti-bullying coping programs. Your school’s approach to addressing school bullying the magnitude of mean effect sizes are at least two to three times higher when programs are carefully implemented and free from serious implementation problems than when these circumstances are not present. (Durlak and DuPre, 2008, p. 340) Issues in addressing school bullying 211 In the following section we refer to content covered in the previous chapters to map out a school’s approach to addressing bullying. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Background In Chapter 3 consideration was given to the P.E.A.C.E. Pack (Preparation, Education, Action, Coping, Evaluation) for addressing school bullying (Slee, 2001). The P.E.A.C.E. Pack is an intervention program dealing with bullying in schools and presents school-based strategies that have been shown to reduce school bullying. Teachers, students, principals, parents and school administrators from day-care centres, kindergartens, and primary and secondary schools have all contributed to the development of the P.E.A.C.E. Pack. Particularly valuable contributions to the package were made by the representatives of various secondary and primary schools who met in focus groups over the course of two years to develop, implement and evaluate intervention programs for reducing school bullying. The acronym P.E.A.C.E. has been used to help organize the material presented in this package under the following headings: ‘P’ ‘E’ ‘A’ ‘C’ ‘E’ Preparation and consideration of the nature of the problem. Education and understanding of the issues by those concerned. Action taken and strategies developed to reduce bullying. Coping strategies which are implemented for staff, students and parents. Evaluation and review of the program in place at school. The P.E.A.C.E. program is a systemically based intervention that draws on elements of a ‘whole-school approach’ as described more fully in earlier chapters. A ‘whole-school approach’ to bullying prevention A widely used phrase in anti-bullying research is that of a ‘whole-school approach’ – what exactly does this mean? Perhaps initially, it was a reaction to ‘one-off’ efforts to address school bullying such as showing students an anti-bullying video or a principal’s anti-bullying announcement at a school assembly. As generally understood, a ‘whole-school’ approach incorporates activities at the school and classroom level for the purpose of changing students’ behavior and perhaps their attitudes to bullying. Dan Olweus (1993) developed an intervention program (the Olweus Bullying Prevention Program – OBPP) frequently referred to as using a ‘whole-school’ approach. The core components of this program include: raising parent awareness of the issue, administering a student bullying questionnaire, holding an antibullying conference day, providing effective supervision during recess and lunch time, creating a bully prevention committee, creating classroom rules Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 212 Issues in addressing school bullying against bullying, holding regular classroom meetings with students to discuss bullying, facilitating serious talks with bullies and victims, and holding talks with parents of students involved in bullying episodes. The Olweus Bullying Prevention Program was the first comprehensive wholeschool intervention implemented on a large scale and systematically evaluated. The program is recommended by the Center for the Study and Prevention of Violence in ‘Blueprints for Violence Prevention.’ Programs included as ‘Blueprints’ must meet strict criteria such as a strong research design, replication of findings in different settings, and continued significant effects at a minimum one-year follow-up after intervention (e.g. Olweus and Limber, 2010). Typically a whole-school approach focusses on a universal program directed at the entire school population. As Smith et al. (2004) have noted, a whole-school approach is predicated on a systems approach to interventions whereby multiple players are involved (students, peers, parents, teachers, etc.) and an advantage is that it avoids ‘stigmatizing’ students as perpetrators, victims or bystanders. An issue with the approach is that it risks (particularly with older students), evincing reactions such as: ‘We have heard all this before’, or ‘I am not a bully so why waste my time with these issues?’ Certainly it is argued that while any incident involves bullies and victims, others are bystanders and so are aware of it, but the actual numbers may still be relatively small. It is also true that the ‘bystander effect’ increases across primary to secondary school, resulting in older students feeling less inclined to step in and intervene. The implication then is that interventions should be nuanced. Shute and Slee (2015) have described contributions to the theory–practice nexus informing evidence-based interventions. They note that two important streams of theory have contributed to our understanding. Developmentally Appropriate Practice (DAP) is the term is generally used to refer to children’s active engagement in learning activities whereby children are seen as actively constructing their own knowledge (Slee et al., 2012). Teachers or child-care workers in DAP classrooms utilize research on child development and learning and knowledge of individual children’s strengths, needs and cultural and social background to inform their practice. The approach emphasizes (i) age appropriateness, (ii) individual appropriateness, and (iii) social and cultural appropriateness (Aldwinckle, 2001). Shute and Slee (2015) also note the contribution that Applied Developmental Science (ADS) has made to the theory–practice debate. Lerner et al. (2000) have identified three characteristics of ADS, namely (i) the direct implications for the behavior and actions of individuals, families and policy-makers; (ii) the focus on change across the lifespan; and (iii) the utilization of a diversity of research methods to capture information regarding the phenomena under study. Issues in addressing school bullying 213 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Ideas for school and classroom Consider your school’s approach to addressing bullying and whether it would be identified as a ‘whole-school’ approach. If you were to advocate that changes be made to your school’s anti-bullying program, what form would they take? One size does not fit all It is suggested, then, that school-based interventions to address bullying should be nuanced to account for developmental appropriateness and individual (see Chapter 7) and social and cultural factors. For example, one high school that the author worked with for over five years had developed a program based on the P.E.A.C.E. Pack program that was differentiated across age groups and year levels, beginning with a transition day where primary school students were introduced to the school and running through for three years of secondary school. The program was differentiated across year levels (see Table 10.1). As can be seen from the detail in Table 10.1, this school had adopted a whole-school approach that was delivered in different forms across the year levels. We now turn to a consideration of the evaluations that have been made of anti-bullying interventions in terms of their effectiveness. Table 10.1 One high school’s differentiated approach to addressing school bullying Year level Focus Activity Primary school– secondary school transition day in the year preceding student commencing secondary school education at the school First year of secondary school – term 1 Primary school students welcomed to the school by principal and school counsellor Students were ‘buddied up’ with a Year 8 or 9 secondary school student and shown around the school. Students introduced to the school’s anti-bullying policy and grievance procedures in term 1 by school counsellor Lessons were given by the home group teacher on school bullying, highlighting the policy in the student’s school diaries, and students asked to talk with their parents about the school’s anti-bullying approach. 214 Issues in addressing school bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Table 10.1 continued Year level Focus Activity First year of secondary school – term 2 Students completed a ‘bullying’ school survey Second year of secondary school – term 1 Relationships at school Third year secondary school – term 1 Well-being at school and home Data were analyzed and feedback provided to students and the parents through the school newsletter. Home group teachers provided lessons on types of bullying, including cyber bullying, using purpose-developed lessons and multi-media resources. A one-day ‘intensive’ was provided to all Year 9 students on ‘relationships.’ Speakers from the community such as social workers were invited to provide lessons, games or other activities with a focus on the importance of relationships. In term 1, home group teachers provided lessons on well-being and ‘life-skills’ associated with developing resilience and coping. Kinds of interventions Interventions may be categorized broadly according to whether their purpose is primarily to prevent bullying from happening or alternatively to deal with cases of bullying if and when they occur. However, a rigid distinction cannot be made; for instance, disciplinary actions taken when a case of bullying is identified may impact not only upon the person being treated but may also make it less likely that others will bully; that is, it may also have a preventative function. Some interventions are not primarily directed at changing the behavior of individuals who become involved in bullying, but are concerned rather with establishing an environment or ethos in which bullying is less likely, for instance by developing in members of the school community (including both teachers and parents) a better understanding of the problem and promoting more prosocial attitudes and empathic feelings towards others; or alternatively by reducing the motivation to bully by involving students more deeply in school-related study. These may be described as preventative measures. Many programs include both preventative and interventive elements (Figure 10.1). Issues in addressing school bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Populations at risk 215 High risk individuals Universal preventative programs Figure 10.1 The intervention continuum Adapting a model described by Mrazek and Haggerty (1994), interventions may be targeted: a b c universally at whole populations; selectively at a population at risk; indicatively at ‘high-risk’ individuals. (a) and (b) are usually identified in terms of ‘prevention’ whereas (c) encompasses ‘early intervention.’ a b c Universal programs are targeted at the general public or a whole population group that has not been identified on the basis of individual risk, for example childhood immunization. Populations at risk. Here the interventions are directed at individuals or sub-groups of a population known to be at risk of developing problems, e.g. literacy programs directed at children from economically depressed areas. ‘High risk’ individuals. Programs are directed specifically at high-risk individuals who may already be presenting with signs or symptoms; for example programs to prevent depression in children who have one or two clinically depressed parents. Generally, as one moves across the continuum from universal preventative programs to targeted programs for high-risk individuals, the size of the population receiving the interventions decreases, while the degree of the psychological problems increases in severity. In Chapter 7 consideration was given to particular populations at elevated risk for bullying, such as students with special needs. Anti-bullying interventions: evidence for their effectiveness In the ‘mainstream’ Western countries the exponential interest in bullying followed the publication of pioneering work, including that of Dan Olweus Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 216 Issues in addressing school bullying in Norway (in the early and mid-1970s), Bjorkqvist and Osterman in Finland (early 1980s), Peter Smith in England (early 1990s), Debra Pepler, Wendy Craig and Shelley Hymel in Canada (early 1990s), Rosario Ortega and Joaquin Mora-Merchan in Spain (early 1990s), Keith Sullivan in New Zealand (mid to late 1990s) and Ken Rigby and Phillip Slee in Australia (early 1990s) amongst others. The publication from research in these and other countries resulted in quite significant national and international interest in the matter of anti-bullying interventions. Smith et al. (1999) have documented the pioneering work of these and many other researchers in an early publication. It is important to note that, as Slee and Skrzypiec (2016) have described, in non-Western countries such as Japan there has been an equally long history of research into the phenomenon of bullying (Yohji Morita and Mitsuru Taki, mid to late 1980s). In the United States the focus over many years was on aggression, although Richard Hazler published research on bullying in the early 1990s; but in the early 2000s major attention turned to school bullying and key drivers of this focus included amongst others Dorothy Espelage, Susan Swearer and Sheri Bauman. Do school-based interventions work? In 2004 Smith et al. published an authoritative account of anti-bullying interventions from 11 countries from Europe, North America and Australasia. As they concluded, ‘The international interventions have generally provided evidence that bullying can be reduced. Achievements to date, however, have been modest in scale, most substantially below the 50 percent mark, with some projects showing negligible improvements’ (p. 322). A systematic literature review by Vreeman and Carroll (2007) investigated the effectiveness of 26 school anti-bullying programs. They classified the studies into types of interventions, including the categories of : • • • • curriculum interventions; multidisciplinary or whole-school interventions; targeted social and behavioural skills groups; mentoring and increased social work support. Vreeman and Carroll also investigated direct and indirect outcomes of the interventions. Their findings showed that curriculum interventions, that generally involve a smaller allotment of resources and effort and were aimed at changing attitudes to bullying, were seldom effective in impacting the level of bullying. They argued that attempting to change attitudes and behaviours at the classroom level is unlikely to have an effect since bullying is a systematic group process. As they pointed out: ‘If bullying is a systemic group process involving bullies, victims, peers, adults, parents, school Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Issues in addressing school bullying 217 environments, and home environments, an intervention on only one level is unlikely to have a significant consistent impact’ (p. 86). According to these researchers, crucial to effective anti-bullying programs are interventions that are well planned, involve multiple disciplines and a whole-school community, and are championed by committed staff. In 2011, Ttofi and Farrington undertook a comprehensive systematic and meta-analytic review of anti-bullying programs. They examined the effectiveness of 44 school-based programs to reduce bullying. The programs they examined were quite varied, diverse and were across different age groups and countries. For example, they examined the Finnish KiVa program (Kärnä et al. 2011), which is a clearly structured program that seeks to change attitudes to bullying using visual learning environments such as computer games and role-playing. The KiVa program has been widely disseminated and subject to a wide range of evaluations (e.g. Garandeau et al., 2014). The systematic analysis by Ttofi and Farrington (2011) found that overall, school-based anti-bullying programs effectively reduced bullying (i.e. bullying of others) on average by 20–23 percent and victimization (i.e. being bullied by others) by 17–20 percent. Intensive programs were the most effective. Common elements of effective programs included meetings with parents, firm disciplinary measures, the use of videos and co-operative group work, and improved supervision of young people’s play areas. Noteworthy is that work with peers, such as peer mediation, peer mentoring, and encouraging bystander intervention to prevent bullying, generally increased victimization. Citing other research that supported their findings (e.g. Dodge et al., 2006), Ttofi and Farrington recommended that work with peers should not be used as an anti-bullying intervention. Overall, meta-analytic and meta-ethnographic research studies, such as those mentioned above, suggest that whole-school approaches may be generally effective in reducing involvement in bullying. However, it could still be the case that other types of intervention have yet to be tried and tested. It would certainly be advantageous to find an intervention program that was effective yet not as time- and resource-intensive as one which required the involvement of all school community members. An important feature of interventions influencing the effectiveness of antibullying programs is the ‘dosage’ or intensity of the program (Olweus, 2005). Dosage refers to the degree of exposure to the program. Ttofi and Farrington’s (2011) findings showed that intensive and long-lasting programs with large amounts of program exposure were more likely to be effective in reducing involvement in bullying. This suggests that anti-bullying programs that continue to be implemented in schools year after year are beneficial, as anti-bullying sentiment would build an appropriate (longterm) school ethos. In the P.E.A.C.E. Pack (Slee, 2001) this is referred to as ‘second-order change’ and refers to changes in attitudes, values and ethos regarding bullying. 218 Issues in addressing school bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Summary of the effectiveness of anti-bullying programs In order to convince stakeholders that health-promoting initiatives like antibullying programs are worthwhile investments, there is a need for strong evidence that the initiatives do make a difference to school environments and student well-being. Evidence from outcome evaluations is growing. For example, a review by Durlak et al. (2011) indicated that rigorous assessments of outcomes of health promotion initiatives in schools demonstrate that such programs can have an impact upon students’ social and emotional skills and academic performance, which are recognized mediators to positive mental health, and, importantly, that they can be effectively delivered by teachers. As noted by Cross et al. (2010) and Spears et al. (2011) in their overviews of the success of anti-bullying interventions, it appears that such initiatives typically reduce the level of school bullying by 20–30 percent. For example, Slee and Mohyla (2007) reported a reduction in self-reported victimization of 20 percent for the P.E.A.C.E. Pack program as described in Chapter 3. As Durlak and DuPre (2008) point out, the evidence is that school-based interventions in the field of health and well-being (which include bullying interventions) can be delivered by teachers as part of the regular curriculum. However, the matter of the integrity with which the programs are delivered in the ‘messy and busy’ world of the classroom is a significant translational matter and one which is only now receiving the attention it requires (see Chapter 9 for more details). Increasingly in an international context, teachers are being asked to deliver interventions designed and developed outside the education arena to improve the mental health and well-being of children, for example anti-bullying programs. However, while the domains of implementation described above have been identified by researchers, often in experimental conditions (e.g. van Nassau et al., 2013) the real-life circumstances of program implementation have not been extensively documented. One element of these ‘real life’ circumstances involves actually asking school principals and teachers about the issues associated with effectively implementing well-being, including anti-bullying programs in schools. ‘Voices from the field’ In a research study conducted by the author (Slee, unpublished), Australian school principals, counsellors and senior education department personnel who each had a strong working knowledge of the issues and difficulties associated with implementing student SEL, mental health and well-being programs, were interviewed regarding the implementation of such programs in schools. Details of their findings are summarized in Figure 10.2 The interviews identified a number of key themes around (i) program implementation in schools, and (ii) threats to program integrity. Issues in addressing school bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Factors affecting program implementation 219 Threats to program integrity Over-crowded curriculum Adherence Adaptation Professional development Exposure Program reach Staff resistance Participant responsiveness Collaborations Quality of delivery Leadership Program differentiation Figure 10.2 Factors affecting program implementation and integrity Reproduced with permission. Program implementation In relation to this factor the participants identified a crowded curriculum with multiple demands on teacher time; lack of professional development opportunity; staff confidence in their ability to deliver the programs; the question of whether in fact this was indeed their ‘core business’; the onus of sharing information with key stakeholders for cross-sector collaboration; and finally the pivotal role of transformative leadership, for the effective delivery of programs. Leadership was identified as a key component in ensuring the effective implementation of any school-based program. Program integrity In relation to this factor the participants highlighted the conflict schools often experienced in adhering to the guidelines for the conduct of the program in the face of principals’ and teachers’ awareness of the background of the clientele: for example, would the program ‘work’ in a multi-cultural school setting where English was not the first language of many of the students? The issue of how many lessons would be given over to the program in a ‘crowded curriculum’ when teachers felt pressured and torn to deliver not only the curriculum content but a wide range of other programs as well, Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 220 Issues in addressing school bullying was identified as a significant issue. The participants also highlighted the importance of student’s interest level in the content of the program, such as their ability to engage with the content in a motivated fashion. For example, in delivering an anti-bullying program to secondary school students the students often proclaim that they have ‘heard this all before.’ The interviewers also indicated that programs were altered in deference to teachers’ understanding that some students might be sensitive to or embarrassed by some content, such as talking about cyber bullying and the risks of ‘sexting’ (Spears et al., 2015), which in some cultures would be highly embarrassing to some students. In summary, the findings from this study involving principals and teachers at the ‘front line’ of delivering mental health and well-being programs that, in the Australian context at least, many educators feel overwhelmed by the continuous introduction of new programs and feel they have little time, and too few financial and human resources, to educate and train their staff in these new initiatives. They suggested that when introducing new programs it is very important to highlight how they complement and support already established initiatives, and provide easily accessible resources (online forums, websites, etc.), and training. The busy and complex world of schools and classrooms means that there are multiple threats to program implementation and program integrity that researchers should be sensitive to and that school personnel need to take into account in delivering a progam such as antibullying in a school. Ideas for schools and classrooms Identify a program that has been run in your school or classroom, for example anti-bullying, well-being, literacy or numeracy, and identify the barriers and facilitators to implementing the program. To date, then, it has been argued that school bullying and, it now appears, cyber bullying as its latest manifestation, is an all-too-frequent aspect of young people’s lives and that it has a negative impact on the well-being of all those involved (Barnes et al., 2016). Evidence has been presented that schools are a very obvious setting for well-being and health promotion activities and that evidence-based initiatives indicate that teachers can effectively deliver programs that make a difference to the well-being of young people. An important aspect associated with a school’s response to bullying relates to its legal responsibilities under the law. The following newspaper headlines identify the legal challenges facing schools. Issues in addressing school bullying 221 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 A former student is suing Raffles Girls’ School (RGS), claiming that the school failed to protect her from being bullied and she was forced to study overseas. (Straits Times [Singapore], April 16, 2015) ‘Student sues school over alleged bullying’ (The Age [Melbourne], June 22, 2015) ‘Student’s father sues local school district over bullying’ (kwtx.com [Killeen, Texas], January 2016) Bullying and the law The legal aspect of school bullying is increasingly being referred to in the media. There is no doubt that there are rising community expectations that schools be required to deal with the complex emotional and psychological problems which are part of the overall school experience. As Slee and Ford (1999) in an early paper on the topic noted, teachers and schools are acting ‘in loco parentis’ while a student is in their care. This requires teachers and schools to, in fact, actively intervene in any situation which comes to their attention which may involve significant risk of injury to a student in their care. This would include the risks of psychological injury, so long as that injury is reasonably foreseeable. Slee and Ford (1999) identified three elements critical to any compensation case. First, it would need to be established that a duty of care exists. As already noted, there is a body of understanding that schools have a duty of care towards their students. Second, it would need to be established that the duty of care had been breached. They note that ‘the duty of care is breached if a teacher or school authority fails to act as a reasonable person would have acted in their position to eliminate the risk of injury or to prevent the injury from occurring’ (Slee and Ford, 1999, p. 33). Finally, they note that the breach must be considered to have caused the injury. As Chalmers et al. (2016, p. 92) have observed, ‘It is clear that when bullying occurs within school hours and on school grounds, it falls under the school’s duty of care. However, when these incidents take place outside of school hours and outside of the school environment, it is less clear whether they fall within the scope of the school’s duty of care’ (Butler et al., 2011). As the same researchers go on to note, Australian case law holds that a school’s duty of care may in fact extend outside of school hours and/or school grounds where a so-called ‘relationship of teacher and pupil’ exists, such as during an excursion. In the United Kingdom (Smith et al., 2004) and United States (Hinduja and Patchin, 2011), as is the case in Australia, education authorities generally instruct schools to incorporate bullying and cyber bullying incidents that occur beyond the school premises and outside Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 222 Issues in addressing school bullying of the school hours in their anti-bullying policies, as these incidents are said to be the responsibility of the school . Bullying has always been with us, but it is now that the community is beginning to voice its collective concern that it is an unacceptable and harmful aspect of relationships. The matter of a school’s duty of care brings us to the issue of school policy and practice to address bullying (see Figure 10.3) Anti-bullying policies: their role In this chapter we attend in more detail to the first phase of the P.E.A.C.E. Pack program (Slee, 2001), namely ‘Preparation.’ In Figure 10.3 we show a flow chart that a school administrator or counsellor could consult in preparing to review the school’s anti-bullying policy. The steps are based on the author’s extensive experience of working with governments, education authorities, school administrators and classroom teachers in countries such as Australia, Malta, Greece, Japan and France. The status of the school’s anti-bullying policy At the very least, the issue of school bullying is a human rights issue. Historically (Slee et al., 2012), adults’ views have been privileged over those of children, but the 1989 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), ratified by Australia in January 1991, drew attention to the rights children and young people have and which should be upheld. For example, Article 19 of the UNCRC (‘Protection from all forms of violence’) states: ‘Children have the right to be protected from being hurt and mistreated, physically or mentally.’ Overviews of international research are clear that bullying occurs in every school, and that there are significant negative physical and mental health outcomes associated with it (see Chapters 1 and 2). Along with other researchers, Slee and Skrzypiec (2016) have elaborated on the issue of school bullying as a matter of human rights and as such governments and education authorities should act to safeguard these rights. What records are kept of bullying incidents? Has the issue of bullying been addressed at school level? YES Figure 10.3 Preparing to review your school’s anti-bullying approach What counselling procedures are in place to address bullying? What is the status of your school’s anti-bullying policy? What further action is needed? What grievance procedures are in place? Policy – develop it – review it – update it. How effective are the policy and grievance procedures? No further action needed Further action needed What further action is needed? NO Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 224 Issues in addressing school bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Ideas for the school and classroom Critique your school’s anti-bullying policy (Figure 10.3) to consider whether there is any explicit mention of students at increased risk for bullying, such as LBGTQ students. In a revealing study, Jones and Hillier (2014) examined policy and practice across the eight states and territories of Australia, including the Federal Government, and found that only two states had an education policy explicitly directed at LGBTQ students. In fact, at the time of writing, the National Safe Schools Framework made no explicit reference to LBGTQ students in any of its resources for teachers, students and parents. As we noted in Chapter 3, school bullying is strongly associated with feeling unsafe at school. Given that school bullying is now an internationally recognized issue facing young people at school, many governments have acted to develop policy and practice to protect young people from the harmful effects of bullying. Slee and Skrzypiec (2016) have provided the overview that, as a simple matter of human rights, school bullying in all its forms must be addressed and that governments and departmental organizations must of necessity develop policy, practice and grievance procedures in the best interests of those vulnerable to bullying. In countries such as the United Kingdom, schools now have a statutory obligation to address bullying, including that related to sexual orientation. As Slee and Skrzypiec (2016) have summarized, a range of countries around the world have introduced some form of legislation and support for schools regarding school bullying; in Australia the National Safe Schools Framework (NSSF) provides resources for teachers, parents and students on the topic. Ideas for schools and classrooms In your school review the programs and policy you have in place, considering where they stand in relation to the intervention continuum outlined in Figure 10.3. Issues in addressing school bullying 225 What is an effective anti-bullying policy? Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 The matter of a school policy has been considered at length by, amongst others, researchers such as Peter Smith (2014), Ken Rigby (2002) and Keith Sullivan (2011), and the interested reader is referred to their more detailed treatment of the topic. Point of interest Guidelines for developing a school anti-bullying policy The following guidelines are based on the author’s experience and research. Process: (i) initial consultation with key stakeholders including students, parents, teachers, community members; (ii) drafting and reviewing the policy involving key stakeholders; (iii) launching the policy into the classroom and school; (iv) disseminating the policy, e.g. newsletters sent home, inclusion in school diaries, uploaded onto school website, etc.; (v) evaluation and review. Content of an anti-bullying policy • • • • • • Reference to the rights of individuals for example the UN Declaration on Human Rights. A statement of the school’s anti-bullying stance, for example, may reflect the school’s mission statement. A statement regarding the proactive personal responsibilities of all members of the school community to be sensitive to bullying and to act to prevent it. A clear plain-language definition of bullying. Identification of types of bullying, including cyber bullying. Reference to the grievance/reporting procedure to follow if an incident occurs (this may be a separate document). 226 Issues in addressing school bullying Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Ideas for schools and classrooms Is your school’s anti-bullying policy prominently displayed in your classroom? Are there copies displayed around the school? Grievance procedures As generally described, a grievance procedure is a means of dispute resolution that typically is presented in the form of a hierarchical set of steps to follow. Point of interest The following set of points regarding grievance procedures is derived from the author’s experience in working in a variety of school settings to develop appropriate grievance procedures to follow in the event of a bullying incident. Process: This involves: (i) initial consultation with key stake-holders including students, parents, teachers and community members; (ii) drafting and reviewing the procedure involving key stakeholders; (iii) launching the procedure into the classroom and school; (iv) disseminating the procedure, e.g. newsletters sent home, inclusion in school diaries, uploaded onto school website, etc.; and (v) evaluation and review. Content of a grievance procedure • • • • As described in the process above, the procedure should be developed as part of a consultative process involving all members of the school community. The procedure should be in plain language and take into account the developmental level of the students, e.g. primary vs secondary students. The steps to follow in the event of a bullying incident should be limited in number. The steps should be quite explicit about who to report to, for example the classroom teacher or the course co-ordinator. Issues in addressing school bullying • Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 • • 227 There should be a commitment to the students that there will be a follow up when the incident is reported. The procedure should involve a written record of the incident when it is logged. An indication of any incident should be provided to the student’s care-giver/parent. The following links are provided to examples of policy and grievance procedures from public and Catholic schools, involving Reception to Year 12 and secondary schools, in which the author has worked with students, staff and parents. • • • • www.wlightr12.sa.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/Anti-bullyingand-harassment-policy.pdf www.uhs.sa.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2012/04/unley-high-schoolharassment-policy.pdf http://mercedes.catholic.edu.au/uploads/files/Mercedes_Safe_School_ Policy.pdf www.brightonss.sa.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/BrightonSecondary-School-Anti-Bullying-and-Anti-Harassment-Policy.pdf Ideas for schools and classrooms Are students in your classroom aware of the grievance procedure to follow if they are bullied? Smith (2014), in an overview of international research, noted only a ‘modest’ relationship between a strong school anti-bullying policy and lower rates of bullying. O’Moore (2013), in a review of 54 international cyberbullying guidelines, identified key areas of practice which were being handled well, and those which required more attention. School policies were deemed generally to need greater consideration in terms of content. Ownership by those who implement and those targeted by the policy can help increase compliance and, therefore, may increase the effectiveness of anti-bullying policies (Cross et al., 2010). Accordingly, as noted earlier, it has been suggested that all members of the school community should contribute to policy design and development. Brown et al. (2006) further noted that policy should be developed not only in relation to individual school needs, but also Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 228 Issues in addressing school bullying within the confines and foundation of the support provided by the state authority. As numerous researchers have recommended, an effective antibullying policy needs to contain a clear definition of all forms of bullying including cyber bullying (Butler et al., 2011; Campbell et al., 2010). The policy should also include proactive elements to communicate the value placed on caring and respectful behavior between students, tolerance, and a safe and nurturing environment to promote healthy development (Cassidy and Jackson, 2005). Policies, it is argued, need to advocate a proactive approach in reducing bullying and include guidance about what is appropriate behavior in cyberspace (Cross et al., 2010), with a statement about the behavior the school expects from students (Smith, 2014), and the consequences if the policy is not followed (Butler et al., 2011). As noted earlier, policy also needs to include a simple process for reporting the bullying to school authorities. However, there remains a level of uncertainty about the ability of school anti-bullying policies alone to reduce bullying behavior. Poor evidence of effectiveness may be due to inconsistencies in the level of ownership over policies (i.e. those involved in drafting the policy), in the quality of the content and in the implementation of the policy across school communities (Smith et al., 2008). In earlier anti-bullying policy research conducted in 34 English primary schools, Woods and Wolke (2003) concluded that policies per se have limited effectiveness in reducing bullying and that future research is needed to determine student and staff awareness of anti-bullying policies. Whilst this research was conducted prior to the significant manifestation of cyber bullying behavior, it is important to note the high correlation that has been identified between bullying and cyber bullying behavior (e.g. Cross et al., 2013). Given this relationship, it is possible that the implementation of sound anti-bullying policies could also enhance the effectiveness of anticyber bullying policies and practices. Ideas for schools and classrooms Consider how long has it been since your school reviewed its antibullying policy and grievance procedures. Issues in addressing school bullying 229 Summary Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 I have been impressed with the urgency of doing. Knowing is not enough; we must apply. Being willing is not enough; we must do. Leonardo da Vinci In this final chapter we take to heart da Vinci’s general admonishment and, in relation to the topic of school bullying, following decades of research argue that there is an urgent need to act on what we best know and understand from a strengths based perspective. As we have highlighted in Chapters 1 and 2, overviews of international research are clear that bullying occurs in every school and that there are significant negative physical and mental health outcomes associated with it. It is imperative to develop successful intervention strategies to help students cope with bullying, including the emergent form of cyber bullying. Attention has been drawn to the human rights aspect of bullying and the duty of care of schools to address bullying. In this regard, at a minimum, schools have a legal requirement to address bullying and develop effective policy and grievance procedures as part of a whole-school approach. However, attention has been drawn to the multiple and complex demands on schools to address many aspects that some might not consider to be part of ‘core business.’ This factor alone makes it challenging to implement antibullying programs with the integrity to maximize the effects of any schoolbased intervention. I have always believed that education and culture go hand in hand with social progress and that the goal of every social reformer must be that of educating and instilling a sense of culture and artistic values in people. One cannot fight, let alone eradicate poverty, injustice and misery if one does not concentrate one’s efforts to educate and raise the standard of culture of those who have fallen behind in the march of humanity towards the creation of a truly just society. H. E. Marie-Louise Coleiro Preca. President of Malta (2016, p. 6). References Aldwinckle, M. (2001). The DAP [developmentally appropriate practice] debate: Are we throwing the baby out with the bath water? Australian Journal of Early Childhood, 26(2), 36. Barnes, A., Pearce, N., Cross, D., Thomas, L., and Slee, P. T. (2016). Using online environments to build school capacity to address student wellbeing . In R. H. Shute and P. T. Slee (eds), Mental health and wellbeing through schools: The way forward (pp. 111–123). Abingdon: Routledge. Brown, K., Jackson, M., and Cassidy, W. (2006). Cyber-bullying: Developing policy to direct responsesthat are equitable and effective in addressing this special form Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 230 Issues in addressing school bullying of bullying. Canadian Journal of Educational Administration and Policy, 57, 1–36. Butler, D. A., Kift, S. M., Campbell, M. A., Slee, P. T., and Spears, B. (2011). School policy responses to cyberbullying: An Australian legal perspective. International Journal of Law and Education, 16, 7–28. Campbell, M. A., Cross, D., Spears, B., and Slee, P. (2010). Cyber bullying: Legal implications for schools. CSE Occasional Paper no. 118. Melbourne: CSE. Cassidy, W. and Jackson, M. (2005). The need for equality in education: An intersectionality examination of labeling and zero tolerance practices. McGill Journal of Education, 40(3), 445. Chalmers, C., Campbell, M. A., Spears, B. A., Butler, D., Cross, D., Slee, P., and Kift, S. (2016). School policies on bullying and cyberbullying: Perspectives across three Australian states. Educational Research, 58(1), 91–109. doi: 10.1080/00131881.2015.1129114 Cross, D., Campbell, M. A., Slee, P. T., Spears, B., and Barnes, A. (2013). Australian research to encourage school students’ positive use of technology to reduce cyberbullying. In P. K. Smith and G. Steffen (eds) Cyberbullying through the new media: Findings from an international network (pp. 136–161). London: Psychology Press. Cross, D., Monks, H., Campbell, M. A., Spears, B., and Slee, P. T. (2010). Schoolbased strategies to address cyberbullying. CSE Occasional Paper no. 118. Melbourne: CSE. Dodge, K. A., Dishion, T. J., and Lansford, J. E. (2006). Deviant peer influences in intervention and public policy for youth. Social policy report (vol. 20, no. 1). Ann Arbor, MI: Society for Research in Child Development. Durlak, J. A. and DuPre, E. P. (2008). Implementation matters: A review of research on the influence of implementation on program outcomes and the factors affecting implementation. American Journal of Community Psychology, 41(3/4), 327–350. Durlak, J. A., Weissberg, R. P., Dymnicki, A. B., Taylor, R. D., and Schellinger, K. B. (2011). The impact of enhancing students’ social and emotional learning: A meta-analysis of school-based universal interventions. Child Development, 82(1), 405–432. Garandeau, C. F., Lee, I. A., and Salmivalli, C. (2014). Differential effects of the KiVa anti-bullying program on popular and unpopular bullies. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology, 35(1), 44–50. Hinduja, S. and Patchin, J. W. (2011). Cyberbullying: A review of the legal issues facing educators. Preventing School Failure: Alternative Education for Children and Youth, 55(2), 71–78. Jones, T. and Hillier, L. (2014). The erasure of bisexual students in Australian education policy and practice. Journal of Bisexuality, 14(1), 53–74. Kärnä, A., Voeten, M., Little, T. D., Poskiparta, E., Kaljonen, A., and Salmivalli, C. (2011). A large-scale evaluation of the KiVa antibullying program: Grades 4–6. Child Development, 82(1), 311–330. Lerner, R. M., Fisher, C. B., and Weinberg, R. A. (2000). Toward a science for and of the people: Promoting civil society through the application of developmental science. Child Development, 71(1), 11–20. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Issues in addressing school bullying 231 Mrazek, P. J. and Haggerty, R. J. (1994). Risk and protective factors for the onset of mental disorders. Washington, DC: National Academic Press. Olweus D. (1993). Bullying in schools: What we know and what we can do. Oxford: Blackwell. Olweus, D. (2005). A useful evaluation design, and effects of the Olweus Bullying Prevention program. Psychology, Crime and Law, 11(4), 389–402. Olweus, D. and Limber, S. P. (2010). Bullying in school: Evaluation and dissemination of the Olweus Bullying Prevention program. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 80(1), 124–134. O’Moore, M. (2013). ABC whole school approach to bullying prevention. In M. O’Moore and P. Stevens (eds), Bullying in Irish education (pp. 338–374). Cork, Ireland: Cork University Press. Preca, M-L. C. (2016). Message from Her Excellency. In Fava, K. (ed.), Misericordia in Arcana (Mercy in Mystery). Pub. O.P.R: Gutenberg Press, p. 6. Rigby, K. (2002). New perspectives on bullying. London: Jessica Kingsley. Shute, R. and Slee, P. T. (2015) Child development: Theories and critical perspectives. Abingdon: Routledge. Slee, P. T. (2001). The P.E.A.C.E. Pack. A program for reducing bullying in our Schools (2nd edn). Adelaide, SA: Flinders University. Slee, P. T., Campbell, M., and Spears, B. (2012). Child, adolescent and family development (3rd edn). Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. Slee, P. T. and Ford, D. (1999). Bullying is a serious issue – it is a crime! Australian and New Zealand Journal of Education and Law, 4, 23–39. Slee, P. T. and Mohyla, J. (2007). The PEACE Pack. An evaluation of a school based intervention to reduce bullying in four Australian primary schools. Educational Research, 49(2), 103–115. Slee, P. T. and Skrzypiec, G. (2016). Well-being, positive peer relations and bullying in schools. Springer. Smith, J. D., Schneider, B. H., Smith, P. K., and Ananiadou, K. (2004). The effectiveness of whole-school anti-bullying programs: A synthesis of evaluation research. School Psychology Review, 33(4), 547. Smith, P. K. (2014). Understanding school bullying: Its nature and prevention strategies. Los Angeles, CA: Sage. Smith, P. K., Morita, Y., Junger-Tas, J., Olweus, D., Catalano, R., and Slee, P. (eds) (1999). The nature of school bullying. A cross-national perspective. London and New York: Routledge. Smith, P. K., Pepler, D., and Rigby, K. (2004). Bullying in schools: How successful can interventions be? Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Spears, B ., Slee, P., Campbell, M. A., and Cross, D. (2011). Educational change and youth voice: Informing school action on cyberbullying. CSE Occasional Paper. Melbourne: CSE. Spears, B., Slee, P. T., and Huntley, J. (2015). Cyberbullying, sexting and the law. A report for the South Australian minister for education and child development. Adelaide: University of South Australia. Sullivan, K. (2011). The anti-bullying handbook (2nd edn). Los Angeles, CA: Sage. Ttofi, M. M. and Farrington, D. P. (2011). Effectiveness of school-based programs to reduce bullying: A systematic and meta-analytic review. Journal of Experimental Criminology, 7(1), 27–56. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 232 Issues in addressing school bullying van Nassau, F., Singh, A. S., van Mechelen, W., Paulussen, T. G., Brug, J., and Chinapaw, M. J. (2013). Exploring facilitating factors and barriers to the nationwide dissemination of a Dutch school-based obesity prevention program ‘DOiT’: A study protocol. BMC Public Health, 13(1), 1. Vreeman, R. C. and Carroll, A. E. (2007). A systematic review of school-based interventions to prevent bullying. Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine, 161(1), 78–88. Woods, S. and Wolke, D. (2003). Does the content of anti-bullying policies inform us about the prevalenceof direct and relational bullying behaviour in primary schools? Educational Psychology, 23(4), 381–401. Selected Resources Websites CAPER Welcome to Child and Adolescent Psychological and Educational Resources (CAPER). This site has been active since 2001 and, over time, has built up a large information base, accessed internationally by students, teachers, researchers and other professionals interested in research and practical resources relating to children, adolescents and families. Particular focus is given to issues relating to peer relationships, including bullying, as well as stress and wellbeing. (www.caper.com.au) Student Wellbeing and Prevention of Violence (SWAPv) SWAPv is dedicated to making a difference to the health and well-being of young people’s lives focusing on promoting mental health and preventing violence in educational settings. We welcome visiting scholars, students with an interest in undertaking research projects and invitations for potential partnership research and evaluation projects. (www.flinders.edu.au/ehl/swapv/) Creative works: videos and DVDs Cefai, C. and Cavioni, V. (2014). Social and emotional education in primary school. New York: Springer. Slee, P. T. (2001). The P.E.A.C.E. Pack. A program for reducing bullying in our Schools (2nd edn). Adelaide, SA: Flinders University. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Issues in addressing school bullying 233 Slee, P. T., Bottroff, V., Wotherspoon, A., and Martin, J. (2013). Asperger’s and bullying: An inclusive educational approach. DVD. Adelaide, SA: Flinders University. Slee, P. T., Shute, R., and Wotherspoon, A. (2002). ‘Very mixed emotions’: A discussion about bullying and young children. Canberra, ACT: Commonwealth Attorney General’s Department. Slee, P. T., Wotherspoon, A., and Murray-Harvey, R. (2006). Coping with school bullying. Adelaide, SA: Flinders University. Wotherspoon, A., Slee, P. T. ,Shute, R., and Owens, L. (2005). Best practice in antibullying prevention. Adelaide, SA: Flinders University. Books Shute, R. and Slee, P. T. (2015). Child development: Theories and critical perspectives. Abingdon: Routledge/Psychology Press. Shute, R. and Slee, P. T. (2016). Mental health and wellbeing through schools: The way forward. Abingdon: Routledge. Shute, R., Slee, P. T., Murray-Harvey, R., and Dix, K. L. (2011). Mental health and wellbeing: Educational perspectives. Adelaide, SA: Shannon Research Press. Slee, P. T., Campbell, M., and Spears, B. (2012). Child, adolescent and family development (2nd edn). Melbourne: Cambridge University Press Slee, P. T. and Skrzypeic, G. (2016). Well-being, positive peer relations and bullying in school settings. Switzerland: Springer. Smith, P. K., Kwak, K., and Toda, Y. (2016). School bullying in different cultures. Eastern and Western perspectives. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Book chapters Cross, D., Campbell, M. A., Slee, P. T., Spears, B., and Barnes, A. (2013). Australian research to encourage school students’ positive use of technology to reduce cyberbullying. In P. K. Smith and G. Steffen (eds), Cyberbullying through the new media: Findings from an international network (pp. 136–161). Hove: Psychology Press. Slee, P. T. (2013). Coping with school bullying: Students’ and experts’ views on effective strategies. In B. Gerrard and M. Soriano (eds), School based family counselling: Transforming family–school relationships (ch. 37, pp. 615–634). Create Space Independent Publishing Platform. https://www.createspace.com/ Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Index aggression 73–4; cognitive neoassociation 75; cross gender 107–11; developmental 76–8; frustration-aggression 74; information processing 75; script 75; social learning 74–5; theories 73 Anderson, C.A. 73 anger 78–9 anti-bullying policies 222–9 Askell-Williams, H. 194 attachment 104–5 attitudes 7–9 Australian Aboriginal ix Australian National Schools Framework 59 autism 145 Bandura, A. 75, 82, 85 Bauman, S. 194, 216 Baumrind, D. 106 behavioural theory of bullying 82 Beineke, R.H. 79 Benbenishty, R. 120 Berkowitz, W.G. 75 Bjorkqvist, K. 216 Botroff, V. 148 Bowes, L. 107 Briggs-Gowan, M.J. 101 Bronfenbrenner, U. 86 Bukowski, W.M. 28 bullying ix–x, 95–100; assessing 162; autism 145–8; community 125; coping 187, 190–5; cyber 45, 52, 56–7, 155–60; definition 45–6, developmental course 50, 94; duration 57; frequency 46–52; health 57; law 221–3; measurement 48; moral panics 69; relationships 12; safety 58–9; school climate 118; siblings 107; sociometry 38; theories 80–8; traditional offline 45; trajectories 102; young children 100–4 Burrows, L. 13 Butler, D. 228 bystanders 9–12 Campbell, M. 16, 26, 34, 56–7, 72, 101, 151, 196, 221 Cefai, C. 201–2 children 72 children’s drawings 175–8 chums 30 classroom climate 122–5 cliques 33 cognitive theories of bullying 84–6 Cohen, J. 59, 118 communication technologies 41 community 125 conflict 20 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 Index coping 190–5; cyberbullying 195–6; with bullying intervention 196–7 Costabile, A. 39, 41 Craig, W. 203, 216 Crick, N. 107–8 Cross, D. 57, 151, 153, 227–8 cross-cultural bullying x cyberbullying 56–7, 155–60 Denmark, F. 79 developmental changes 3 Dix, K. 144 Dodge, K. 18, 77, 84–5 Dollard, J. 74 dreamtime ix Dunphy, D. 32–3 Durlak, J. 197, 199, 211, 218 235 Hemphill, S. 47 Henneberger, A.K. 28 Howes, C. 29 Huesmann, L.R. 76 Hymel, S. 16, 60, 203, 216 information processing theory bullying 82–3 inter-subjectivity 2 intervention 215; intervention effectiveness 215–18 Juvonen, J. 12 KidsMatter 144 knowledge 166–8 LGBTQ 145–50 ecological theory(ies) of bullying 80–2, 86–7 empathy 16; cognitive and affective 17 Espelage, D. 59, 86, 148–9 ethics 162–3 family environment 104–5 Farmer, T.W. 36 Farrington, D.P. 217 feminist 8 Freud, S. 73–4 friendships 13–16; adolescence 31; assessing 35; classroom 34; developmental 28; features 27; function 28; intimacy 32; middle childhood 30; nature 27; social skills 34–5; toddlers 29–30 gender-climate 149 Glick, J. 28, 33 Goodman, R. 56 Goosens, F. 8, 12 Hartup, W. 28 Hay, D. 4–5 Malta 60, 201–3 Martino, W. 9 Menesini, E. 48, 57 Merchant, G. 38 mindfulness 13 mirror neurons 83 Mora-Merchan, J.A. 216 Moreno, J.L. 36 Moutappa, M. 41 Murray-Harvey, R. 14, 122, 124, 199, 202 new paradigm research 174 Olweus, D. 46, 56, 211–12, 217 O’Moore, M. 194, 228 Ortega, R. 216 Owens, L. 108–9, 112, 123, 171, 188 parenting style 105–7 P.E.A.C.E. Pack 48, 52, 54, 60–2, 87, 128–36, 218; Japan 136 peer ecology 35 peer relations 1 Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:35 08 January 2017 236 Index Pepler, D. 99, 102, 151, 168, 216 photo-story 178–81 pro-social 2, 4, 6; acting prosocially 17; pro-social skills 16 PRQ 4–7, 51, 97, 173 psychological inquiry 165–6 research design 168–76 Rigby, K. 4, 6, 7, 8, 12, 27, 51, 54, 88, 97, 110, 119, 134, 173, 216, 225 risk-taking 151 Rivers, I. 149 Rubin, K. 27, 35 Salmivalli, C. 8, 55, 100, 217 schools as settings 189 school climate 117–8 SDQ 56, 144 SEND 142–5 sexting 150–5 sexual harassment 8 Shute, R. 8, 18, 19, 49–50, 71–2, 75–6, 79, 87, 108–11, 163, 165, 171, 175, 188, 198, 212 Situational Decision Model of Bystander Intervention 8 Skrzypiec, G. 6, 14, 17, 41–2, 47, 77, 145, 150, 154, 176, 178, 180, 202, 224 Slee, P.T. 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 14, 16, 18, 19, 26, 27, 34, 41–2, 47–51, 54, 71–2, 75–80, 82, 87, 97, 100, 101, 103, 108, 109, 110–11, 120, 124, 126, 134, 137, 144, 150, 151, 154, 163–5, 170–1, 173, 175–6, 178, 188, 198, 199, 202, 212, 221, 224 Smith, P. 6, 46, 97, 102, 153, 188, 212, 216, 225, 227 social competence 4–5 social network theory 38–41, 151–3 social networks 26–7 sociogram 37 sociometry 36 Spears, B. 16, 26, 34, 39, 41, 72, 101, 151, 164–5, 192, 194–5 Spielberger, C.D. 78 student voice 51, 163–6 Sullivan, H.S. 30–1 Sullivan, K. 216, 225 Sutton, J. 17 Swearer, S. 60, 216 systems theories and bullying 87–8 Taki, M. 216 theories 69; nature of 69–70; theory building 71 Theory of Mind 85 trajectories 102 Tremblay, R. 77 Trevarthen, C. 3 Tripodi, T. 167 Ttofi, M. 217 Vaillancourt, T. 38, 81 Veenstra, R. 14 victimization 95; frequency 95–6 violence 69, 79; non-violence 79 ‘voices from the field’ 218–21 Volk, V.A. 79–81 Vreeman, R.C. 216 Wentzel, K. 4 whole-school approach 211–15 Wolke, D. 41 Wotherspoon, A. 41, 146 Zimmer-Gemmbeck, M.J. 32