Online Information Review
Problematic and extensive YouTube use: first hand reports
Jane E. Klobas, Tanya J. McGill, Sedigheh Moghavvemi, Tanuosha Paramanathan,

Article information:

Downloaded by Western University At 13:28 10 September 2018 (PT)

To cite this document:
Jane E. Klobas, Tanya J. McGill, Sedigheh Moghavvemi, Tanuosha Paramanathan, (2018)
"Problematic and extensive YouTube use: first hand reports", Online Information Review, https://
doi.org/10.1108/OIR-01-2018-0032
Permanent link to this document:
https://doi.org/10.1108/OIR-01-2018-0032
Downloaded on: 10 September 2018, At: 13:28 (PT)
References: this document contains references to 44 other documents.
To copy this document: permissions@emeraldinsight.com
The fulltext of this document has been downloaded 4 times since 2018*
Access to this document was granted through an Emerald subscription provided by emeraldsrm:235247 []

For Authors
If you would like to write for this, or any other Emerald publication, then please use our Emerald
for Authors service information about how to choose which publication to write for and submission
guidelines are available for all. Please visit www.emeraldinsight.com/authors for more information.

About Emerald www.emeraldinsight.com
Emerald is a global publisher linking research and practice to the benefit of society. The company
manages a portfolio of more than 290 journals and over 2,350 books and book series volumes, as
well as providing an extensive range of online products and additional customer resources and
services.
Emerald is both COUNTER 4 and TRANSFER compliant. The organization is a partner of the
Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE) and also works with Portico and the LOCKSS initiative for
digital archive preservation.
*Related content and download information correct at time of download.

The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available on Emerald Insight at:
www.emeraldinsight.com/1468-4527.htm

Problematic and extensive
YouTube use: first hand reports

Problematic
and extensive
YouTube use

Jane E. Klobas
Department of Engineering and Computer Science, Murdoch University,
Perth, Australia

Tanya J. McGill
Department of Business and Accountancy, Murdoch University,
Perth, Australia, and

Received 29 January 2018
Revised 4 August 2018
Accepted 11 August 2018

Downloaded by Western University At 13:28 10 September 2018 (PT)

Sedigheh Moghavvemi and Tanuosha Paramanathan
Department of Business and Accountancy, University of Malaya,
Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
Abstract
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to present brief YouTube life stories to learn about how extensive
users experience YouTube use and manage (or fail to manage) their use. It also explores the consequences of
different types of extensive use.
Design/methodology/approach – In this paper, a biographical approach was used. Nine students who
used YouTube for two or more hours every day were guided to tell life stories of their introduction to
YouTube, subsequent use and critical events associated with YouTube use. Thematic analysis distinguished
between non-problematic, compulsive and addicted users. Three single case life stories illustrate the
experiences of users in each category.
Findings – These extensive YouTube users tell similar stories of informal learning from early interaction
with the platform. For some, extensive YouTube use became problematic; for others, it remained functional.
Similar to other social platforms, users unable to regulate use became compulsive users and some users can
become addicted. While the symptoms of YouTube addiction are similar to other online addictions, compulsive
YouTube use is driven more by algorithm-generated content chaining than overt social interaction.
Originality/value – The paper introduces life stories as a way to present case studies of social media use. The
distinction between extensive, but functional, and problematic YouTube use illustrates how extensive social media
use is not necessarily dysfunctional. User education for self-regulation of YouTube use is recommended.
Keywords Social media, Case studies, User behaviour, Compulsive use, YouTube use
Paper type Research paper

Introduction
The online video sharing site, YouTube, has become a place to share videos not only for
entertainment but also to gather information and aid learning. Unlike social network services
(SNS) such as Facebook, YouTube is a social media platform where user engagement centres
around content sharing rather than social interaction (Kuss and Griffiths, 2011). The nature of
user participation in YouTube is, therefore, different from participation on Facebook and other
social platforms: as Jenkins and Carpentier (2013) observe, social participation in YouTube is
actually “minimalist” (p. 10). The difference between YouTube, with its emphasis on content
engagement, and socially engaging internet platforms such as Facebook (Wang et al., 2017)
and Twitter (Hwong et al., 2017; Wang et al., 2017) has been recognized in literature that
discusses the advantages of use, but largely ignored in the literature of problematic use until
very recently (Balakrishnan and Griffiths, 2017; Klobas et al., 2018; Kuss and Griffiths, 2011).
Failure to distinguish between SNS and different types of social media has hampered research
to the extent that there is still no reliable way to diagnose use-related problems as serious as
addiction (Andreassen et al., 2016; Kuss and Griffiths, 2011).
The University of Malaya Equitable Society Research Cluster provided financial support for research
assistance and project team meetings under Project RP021-14SBS.

Online Information Review
© Emerald Publishing Limited
1468-4527
DOI 10.1108/OIR-01-2018-0032

Downloaded by Western University At 13:28 10 September 2018 (PT)

OIR

To date, most scholarly writing specific to YouTube use has taken a positive point of
view, emphasizing the valuable role it can play in supporting informal and self-directed
learning about a wide range of topics (Lee et al., 2017; Rosenthal, 2018). This stream of
YouTube research tends to take the view of an instructor, resource or platform provider.
This paper, on the other hand, firmly takes the perspective of the YouTube user by
exploring extensive YouTube use in users’ own terms.
YouTube use
The YouTube platform permits users to upload videos (user-generated content, UGC) and to
watch videos for entertainment and information, link to related and popular videos, express
appreciation or disapproval or comment on videos posted by others. YouTube usage is very
widespread, with 72 per cent of the population of the USA using it in 2016, and one billion
hours of content watched daily across the globe in 2017 (YouTube, 2017). In 2016,
educational videos were the third most commonly viewed type of content, after music and
entertainment videos (Statista, 2017).
Although individual users can upload their own videos, much of YouTube’s content is
uploaded by commercial providers rather than individuals (Fuchs, 2017). Individual use of
YouTube is therefore dominated by content watching and engagement in content loaded by
others. Although there is the potential for users to form a “content community” around
shared content interests (Kaplan and Haenlein, 2010), YouTube is not considered a platform
for social or cultural participation ( Jenkins and Carpentier, 2013; Kaplan and Haenlein, 2010;
Kuss and Griffiths, 2011).
Explaining YouTube use
Explanations of YouTube usage draw on the uses and gratifications theory (U&G) of media
choice which argues that consumers choose to follow a medium based on its ability to
satisfy their needs (gratifications) including needs for entertainment, information, relaxation
and social interaction (Blumler and Katz, 1974; McQuail, 1986). In its ideal form, U&G
assumes that consumers (users) have agency to choose between different sources, that the
media they choose contribute to (but do not necessarily fulfil) gratification and that their
choices are influenced by context (Littlejohn et al., 2016). Studies of electronic media use
tend, however, to take a medium-centric approach which seeks to understand users’
motivations for use of a specific medium, with little or no consideration of choices available,
user exercise of agency or differences in use context.
Studies of individual users’ motivations to use YouTube have differentiated motivation
to contribute content (including clicking the like and unlike buttons, sharing a link with
friends and uploading content) from motivations for viewing content uploaded by others.
Khan (2017) observed that US university students shared links from an “information
giving” motive, while their content consumption was motivated primarily by need for
relaxation and entertainment. Nonetheless, students and members of the public do use
YouTube to meet needs for information and learning, even when other resource choices
might be available to them (Klobas et al., 2018; Rosenthal, 2018).
Adoption of only the use motivation (gratification) element of U&G has several
limitations. By ignoring the nature of agency, user choice and context, use can appear to be
dictated by the medium, rather than influenced by the interaction of the user, the choices
available to the user and the context within which use might take place. U&G studies tend
also to be cross-sectional, drawing inferences about needs and gratifications from
quantitative data gathered at a given point in time, even though usage choices might
well be influenced by the individual’s use history and experiences of use over time.
Contextual concerns were taken up by Chiang and Hsiao (2015), but use history and
experiences over time are yet to be studied.

Downloaded by Western University At 13:28 10 September 2018 (PT)

Problematic YouTube use
The primarily positive view of YouTube taken in the literature has been challenged by
recent studies of the potential for YouTube use to be problematic for its users. Klobas et al.
(2018) found that compulsive YouTube use is stronger among Malaysian university
students who are strongly motivated to use the platform for entertainment, but less likely
among students who are strongly motivated to use it for information and learning.
Balakrishnan and Griffiths (2017) observed that Indian university students’ inclination to
create content was more strongly associated than inclination to view content with YouTube
addiction. They also observed that inclination to view content was only weakly influenced
by expectation of social gratification, but more strongly influenced by process gratification
(use for entertainment and to pass the time). The approach taken in these studies is
consistent with Andreassen et al. (2016) who concluded that psychological disorders
(including compulsion and addiction) associated with use of internet platforms are more
likely to be application-specific rather than generic to the internet or SNS.
Distinguishing functional from problematic YouTube use
The generic work on problematic SNS use adopts several different terms ranging from the
generic “problematic” and “too much” or “excessive” use to the specific, “compulsive” use
and “addiction” (Balakrishnan and Griffiths, 2017; Chou and Hsiao, 2000; Griffiths, 2005;
Jia and Jia, 2009; Kim and Davis, 2009; Laconi et al., 2014). These categories overlap to some
degree and there are apparent inconsistencies. Some authors have found that problematic
use is correlated with extensive use (Al-Harrasi and Al-Badi, 2014; Leung and Lee, 2012), but
there is no evidence that extensive use is necessarily problematic. This generic literature
provides a background for research specific to YouTube. It establishes a basis for
distinction between two primary form of problematic use, compulsive use and addiction.
It also suggests that extensive YouTube use need not be problematic.
For this study, a distinction is therefore made between extensive but functional
(non-problematic) YouTube use and problematic use. Extensive use is defined for this study
as daily use for sufficient time that usage can reasonably be considered to be outside the
norm for the population of interest.
Compulsive YouTube use is defined as use that is extensive because the user is unable to
limit or control the time spent on the platform. Compulsive use is governed by “inability to
self-regulate” (Klobas et al., 2018, p. 130). This definition is consistent with definitions of
compulsive use of other internet platforms (Hsiao, 2017; Klobas et al., 2018; Kuss and
Griffiths, 2011).
YouTube addiction is more difficult to define without entering into debate about the clinical
disorder of addiction. Indeed, Balakrishnan and Griffiths (2017) do not define it, but rather
refer to the works of scholars who have studied Facebook, SNS and internet addiction.
Several authors provide detailed lists of the characteristics of addiction to networked
technologies, based on clinical criteria for psychological and psychiatric diagnosis of addiction
(Andreassen et al., 2016; Caplan, 2010; Griffiths, 2005; Laconi et al., 2014; Schneider et al., 2016;
Weinstein et al., 2014; Young, 1998). Symptoms of addiction to an internet platform include
preoccupation with the platform, inability to limit use despite repeated attempts and significant
negative consequences (such as diminishing scholastic results, loss of a relationship or loss of a
job). Thus, YouTube addiction is likely to have components of extensive use associated with
preoccupation with the platform and compulsive use associated with poor self-regulation, but
an element of harm must be present if usage is to be considered symptomatic of addiction.
This paper explores extensive YouTube use and the potential for extensive use to be
functional, compulsive or symptomatic of addiction. To do so, it adopts more elements of
U&G than previous studies to move beyond study of use motivation alone to observe use
history, context and the user’s exercise of agency and choice.

Problematic
and extensive
YouTube use

Downloaded by Western University At 13:28 10 September 2018 (PT)

OIR

Materials and methods
The topical life story biographical method was used in this study. Life stories can be
gathered by interview and often focus on a specific topic or part of a person’s life
(Minichiello et al., 2008). This study focussed on that part of each participant’s life associated
with their YouTube use. As Minichiello et al. (2008) point out, this approach assumes that
people are able to make sense of their own lives, at the same time as permitting a researcher
to guide the interview(s) and subsequent interpretation of the data according to a theory or
framework. The framework adopted in this study draws on U&G and the literature of
extensive and problematic social platform use to identify different types of extensive
YouTube use (including functional, compulsive and addictive) in the context of the users’
stories of their YouTube use over time.
Life story studies are qualitative inquiries designed to illustrate a phenomenon of interest
in the voice of a person who has lived it. This approach provides a richer picture of
the phenomenon than can be provided in answers to the structured questions that guide
quantitative studies. Extensive samples are, therefore, not sought or used. Instead, the
trustworthiness of the data depends on demonstration that each voice whose story will
be told holds the characteristics that define the framework positions to be illustrated (in this
study, extensive but functional use, compulsive use and addiction), the richness of the
stories told and the researchers’ ability to make sense of the stories in light of what is
already known (e.g. from the literature). This section explains how potential participants
were identified, life stories were gathered and use categories were identified.
Participants
Nine participants were recruited from among business students at a prominent
Kuala-Lumpur based Malaysian research university. The lead researcher visited two
classes and invited students who were using YouTube more than two or three hours a day
to contact her confidentially after class. The initial four volunteers were interviewed and
snowball sampling led to the recruitment of five additional participants. In total, there were
seven male and two female participants, including undergraduate and postgraduate,
full time and part time and domestic and international students, as shown in Table I.
Qualitative data analysis distinguished non-problematic extensive use from compulsive use
and addiction, as explained below.
Interviews
Biographical interviews were guided by open-ended questions designed to provoke
spontaneous responses, uncover a diverse range of experiences and reduce interviewer bias.

Alias

Table I.
Participant codes
and characteristics

Gender
F: Female
M: Male

Age

Nationality
F: Foreign
L: Local

Nina
F
26
F
Stella
F
29
F
M
21
F
Adama
Jack
M
21
F
Leo
M
27
F
M
27
F
Rafia
Max
M
31
F
M
34
L
Sama
Ben
M
37
L
Note: aFull case report presented in this paper

Level
U: Undergrad
P: Postgrad

Enrolment status
F: Full-time
P: Part-time

P
P
U
U
P
P
P
P
P

P
F
F
F
F
F
F
P
P

Downloaded by Western University At 13:28 10 September 2018 (PT)

The participants were first asked to tell the overall story of how they came to use YouTube,
then about the use they now make of YouTube, how they feel about using YouTube, and
how YouTube use has affected their life. The interviewer actively probed with follow-up
questions to clarify or deepen responses. Each interview was conducted in English and
lasted about 30 min.

Problematic
and extensive
YouTube use

Data analysis
All interviews were transcribed by a professional transcription service. Data analysis was
undertaken in two stages: classification and storytelling (sensemaking).
For classification, full interview transcripts were uploaded to NVivo. The data were
analysed thematically by one member of the research team who was guided by a coding
scheme developed collaboratively by the research team from the theory and literature.
New codes were permitted to emerge. After initial coding, the interview transcripts,
thematically coded remarks, and graphical representations of the results were reviewed by a
second member of the research team. The 273 coded remarks were mapped to 27 categories
within the high level themes of nature of use, purpose/motivation for use, positive consequences
and negative consequences, as shown with the results in Table II. NVivo cluster analysis of
coding similarity clearly distinguished between addicted (three cases), compulsive (3)
and functional (3) extensive users (Figure 1). A case that provided a rich, but succinct
illustration of the experiences and consequences of YouTube use was chosen to illustrate each
user category.
YouTube life stories were written directly from the transcripts by one member of the research
team. The draft stories were reviewed for consistency with the classification scheme.
No inconsistencies were found. Instead, the coded data drew attention to a small number of
additional quotes that were added to the YouTube stories to enhance their biographical richness.
Results
This section begins with a classification of experiences and consequences of YouTube use in
each of the three YouTube user categories (functional, compulsive and addicted), and
distinguishes between them. Three YouTube use life stories are then presented to illustrate
more fully the experiences and consequences of extensive YouTube use.

Table II.
Coding summary,
by user category

OIR

Ben
Addicted
Adam
Max
Rafi
User
class

Compulsive
Jack
Leo
Nina

Downloaded by Western University At 13:28 10 September 2018 (PT)

Functional
Figure 1.
YouTube use
type classes

Sam
Stella

Note: Stories for cases in italic appear in this paper

Classification of extensive YouTube users
The results of the qualitative coding are summarized in Table II. The rows present
characteristics of YouTube use listed by the four high level themes: Nature of use, purpose/
motivation for use, positive consequences and negative consequences. A column is
presented for each interviewee, classified by the user category clusters that emerged from
NVivo: functional use, compulsive use and addicted. The functional users (Stella, Sam and
Nina) reported quite extensive YouTube use but encountered few problems and these
had minimal impact on their lives. The three compulsive users ( Jack, Leo and Rafi) reported
symptoms of compulsive behaviour but, other than a feeling that they are addicted to
YouTube, reported no other symptoms of addiction. The three users classified as addicted
not only reported symptoms of compulsion, but also serious consequences for their social
and family life and health as a result of their YouTube use.
Common characteristics
All of the interviewees described learning from videos in an informal way. All but one, a
functional user, watched videos for entertainment. At least two of the three users in each
category mentioned that using YouTube was, at least occasionally, unproductive,
distracting or a waste of time. In addition, at least two of the three users in each category
spoke about negative effects of their YouTube use on their social and family life, but there
was a distinct difference in the severity of the effects: minimal for functional users, modest
for compulsive users and serious for addicted users.
Functional use
The focus of functional users is short-term and contained in time. These users view
YouTube videos in the evenings and in breaks. They reported a wide range of reasons
for using YouTube for functional, formal and informal learning, and entertainment.
Early research on the length of web browser sessions found that users who spent longer on
the internet were experiential (e.g. exploratory and entertainment-driven) rather than being
goal-driven (Sanchez-Franco and Rodriguez-Bobada Rey, 2004), but this distinction was not
observed amongst the YouTube users in this study. Although Stella did not refer to any
specific effort to control her YouTube use, both Nina and Sam described the need for a
conscious effort directed towards internal self-regulation to maintain control over time spent
using the platform.

Downloaded by Western University At 13:28 10 September 2018 (PT)

One type of use gave an insight into how extensive YouTube use might be the
norm for some users who pay little attention to the service. Both Sam and Ben explained
how they keep YouTube turned on, like a radio or television in the background
“for company” (Sam).
Problematic use
The problematic users differed from the functional users in several ways. All problematic
users (both addicted and compulsive) described lack of regulation or control of use, and the
ease of giving in to the temptation – or inability to resist – following links from one video to
another. Similarly, while none of the functional users described losing track of time while
using YouTube, all but one of the problematic users did.
The compulsive users were all full-time students who used YouTube when they were not
in class, including during breaks, before and after class, and on weekends whenever they
had an internet connection; their daily pattern of use varied depending on internet access
and the number of hours that were free from fixed tasks. The addicted users put themselves
into situations where they had 24 h internet access, or a near equivalent. They also reported
using YouTube for more hours a day than all other users apart from Rafi (compulsive) who
reported indulging in YouTube binges “all day and night” on weekends.
Symptoms of YouTube addiction
Although both addicted and compulsive users had symptoms of compulsive use and
described themselves as “addicted”, the addicted users were distinguished from the
compulsive users by symptoms of addiction. They were preoccupied with YouTube,
speaking of it as a powerful force or important actor in their lives, over which they needed to
gain control. Furthermore, unlike the other users, they described dramatic negative effects
of YouTube on several aspects of their lives: all reported poor and deteriorating physical
health and relationships with members of their family; two had been told that their use of
YouTube is losing them friends; two had lost their girlfriends; one is putting his job at risk;
another is concerned that he no longer meets his religious obligations; and the third is aware
that the videos he watches makes him envious of the appearance and wealth of others,
reducing his satisfaction with life. Not all effects have been negative, however: Max
attributed his having quit his addiction to smoking with the help of YouTube videos and
Adam was pleased that he has learnt so much from watching YouTube.
Two of the three addicted users described serious deterioration in their academic
performance that could be attributed to their YouTube use. In both cases (Max and Adam),
time spent on YouTube left too little time to study effectively. Unlike the other seven
interviewees, neither Max nor Adam reported using YouTube to study for exams and
assignments, adding weight to the sense that viewing YouTube in and for itself had become
an overwhelming preoccupation for these addicted users. Two of the compulsive users
more tentatively suggested that their test scores might have suffered in the past and that the
time they spent on YouTube might be spent more productively studying. By contrast, none
of the functional users reported any effects on their academic performance.
None of the nine interviewed students was able to describe a positive effect of YouTube
use on their academic performance, even when prompted. On the other hand, a strong theme
underlying all narratives of YouTube user stories was the value of informal learning from
YouTube, whether for professional work, for hobbies or for general interest. Among the
non-problematic and compulsive users, in particular, there was a sense of pride in being
recognized by others for their extensive general knowledge or depth of knowledge in a
particular field. Nonetheless, most interviewees in all categories noted that there might be
more efficient ways to learn than watching YouTube videos.

Problematic
and extensive
YouTube use

Downloaded by Western University At 13:28 10 September 2018 (PT)

OIR

Whereas addicted users reported a range of serious negative consequences of YouTube
use for their well-being, functional users and compulsive users reported few negative effects,
and they tended to be outweighed by positive consequences. Both Nina and Stella
(functional users) described how they would occasionally prefer to watch a programme or
video on YouTube than go out with family and friends. The consequences for Nina were
similar to those reported by the compulsive users: the criticism of family and friends for
being “stuck on” YouTube instead of spending time with them, as distinct from the breaking
of relationships described by the addicted users. Stella, along with Sam (non-problematic)
and Rafi (compulsive) also reported some positive consequences of YouTube on their social
life: YouTube provides topics to discuss in social settings, particularly for a foreign student
in a new country.
YouTube life stories
In this section, we report more fully on the experiences of three YouTube users. We report
the case of Adam, an articulate young, addicted user, followed by Rafi whose case provides
a succinct illustration of the experience of compulsive use. We also present the case of Sam,
a functional extensive user, which provides a contrast to the two problematic user cases.
Case study 1, addicted user: Adam
Everything in this world has a good side and a bad side and so does YouTube.

Adam is a 21 year old undergraduate science student. He is a full-time international student.
He has used the internet since he was about eight years old. Initially, he browsed the web.
Around 2006, when he was 12 years old, he heard about YouTube from his friends.
He remembers his excitement when he heard about “a video sharing website where millions
of people are sharing videos every day”. He soon discovered that “there are a lot of things to
learn and see on YouTube”.
Adam is sure that YouTube has had a significant effect on his life. He learned to
play the guitar by watching YouTube. But, this was not just a functional experience;
it was an emotional experience that helped him through the uncertainty of not knowing
how to play and the loneliness of having no mentors to learn from. He was particularly
aware of the attention that the teachers in the YouTube videos paid to giving detailed
instructions. This formative experience gave him a very positive view of YouTube
and its value.
Now, Adam watches YouTube videos on his smartphone whenever he has “some free
time” during the day. Although he recognizes that it is “really harmful”, he occasionally
watches videos during class as well. During the week, he starts to use YouTube more
intensively when he returns home from class. On the weekends:
[…] you can’t find me anywhere, I am watching YouTube from the moment I wake up in the
morning till I go to bed at night, maybe I will go out for lunch or something but normally I am
[engrossed in] YouTube.

Adam’s worldview has been opened up by watching YouTube. He was intrigued by videos
of Iceland and Icelandic songs and now hopes to follow up on a New Year’s resolution to
visit Iceland.
Nonetheless, YouTube use is not an entirely positive experience for Adam. He is aware of
several “negative consequences”. Because he spends a lot of time in front of the computer, he
has gained weight and lost physical fitness. He attributes the fact that he now needs to wear
glasses to the time he spends in front of the computer. He has almost stopped spending time
with his friends and family, who are critical of the time he spends watching videos, and his
academic performance has suffered.

A few months ago, his friends complained that he was treating them badly because
he was spending too much time in his room on the computer. At first, he did not believe
them – but, then, he recorded the amount of time he was spending on YouTube and found it
was more than nine hours a day. He says:
I was glued to my screen, watching videos day and night all day long, for no reason. Sometimes I
was fooling around on YouTube and that affected my social and physical life […] I found out […]
some of the time I spent on YouTube was not that […] useful.

Downloaded by Western University At 13:28 10 September 2018 (PT)

Not only is some of Adam’s YouTube time unhelpful, but it has also resulted in at least
one “bitter experience”. Adam tells the story of how he broke up with his girlfriend.
She phoned to say that she badly needed to see him, but he said he could not come
because he was “watching an important video on YouTube”. She replied (as reported
by Adam):
“If YouTube is more important to you than me, then you could just go wherever you want”,
and then she broke up with me.

Adam’s attachment to YouTube has been a source of conflict with his parents, his father in
particular. Indeed, Adam speaks as though he has a stronger physical connection to
YouTube than to his family:
I feel that it [YouTube] is too much attached to me and even my parents don’t […] like me watching
all these videos, instead of spending my time with my family.

Adam is aware that he avoids academic work by watching YouTube:
I start procrastinating on YouTube and even though I have the intention of watching videos related
to my studies […] I end up watching foolish and funny videos.

As a result, Adam’s academic performance has fallen, and his grades are poor. He was an
“A student” before starting to spend so much time watching YouTube.
Adam has a good deal of self-awareness, and his sense of self-worth has suffered.
His awareness that “it’s affecting me and having a lot of consequences” is accompanied
by thoughts that “I should change myself and transform myself into someone better”.
He confounds reducing the amount of time he spends on YouTube with changing himself:
Although YouTube has become a part of my life […] I still have to change it, and I have thought of
changing myself.

He lacks the confidence to change himself, and sees YouTube as an uncontrollable force,
“like a drug to me”. Indeed, he says that if he tries to stop using YouTube, he gets
“withdrawal symptoms”. Adam faces internal conflict between the benefits he believes
he still gains from watching YouTube videos and the costs of spending too much
time watching them: “There are some productive videos, but I do plan to change myself
real soon”.
Adam sees the necessary change as quitting YouTube use rather than reducing use.
His idea is to “get away from YouTube and learn something else”. He is sure there are other
options, but at the same time, he recognizes that his familiarity with YouTube gained over
many years makes it difficult for him to move away from it. He says that it might take the
banning of YouTube in his country to force him to try something else.
Adam believes that the overall effect of YouTube on his life has been more negative than
positive. He reflects that he was initially attracted to YouTube for its educational value, but
“instead, I focused on music videos, funny videos and for entertainment purposes only”.
Adam concludes that, by putting entertainment before education, his (mis)use of YouTube
“has affected my life in a negative way”.

Problematic
and extensive
YouTube use

OIR

Case study 2, compulsive user: Rafi
I start watching a video about the construction of a bridge then the bar on the right will show me
[a] bridge collapsing, […] the next one will be that some sort of accident happened on that bridge;
next thing will be a cat walking across the bridge […] it will move on to Kurt Cobain […] and
from there […] to grunge metal and I just keep watching.

Downloaded by Western University At 13:28 10 September 2018 (PT)

Rafi is a 27 year old postgraduate engineering student from Pakistan. A self-confessed
computer geek, he discovered YouTube soon after its official launch, while searching for
other topics on the internet. Although he had a low speed internet connection, it was good
enough to download music videos. Nearly ten years later, Rafi is now a heavy user of
YouTube, although high volume use is not intentional:
On the weekdays it usually starts off with a link [from email or another Internet platform or page]
that goes to YouTube […] and that gets to another video and so on and so forth. So an intention of
five minutes goes up to two hours. So average use per day is four to five hours, and in the
weekends, it can go on all day and night on Friday and Saturday.

To Rafi, positive aspects of YouTube use are that “I get educated, new ideas, entertainment,
and I get up-to-date with my knowledge”. He uploads videos that he thinks will be useful to
others, even though his friends and colleagues see this as a sign of his “obsession” with
YouTube. Indeed, despite the positive aspects of YouTube use, Rafi struggles to justify the
time he spends on the platform.
Rafi spends more time on YouTube than on any other internet service. Every day,
when he first begins study, Rafi starts YouTube and keeps it running for about half an
hour while he checks his e-mail. During the lunch break, he often watches videos of
up-and-coming rock bands, or reports on developments in computer games or operating
systems, rather than leaving his desk. This gives him something to talk about with
other people, but he does not value the knowledge gained from these short videos as
“usable in my life”.
Rafi has never socialized a great deal with friends and family. While this was not a
problem in his home country with people he knows, he believes that his habit of staying
“in front of the computer all day” disconcerts friends in Malaysia. He is aware that he has a
tendency to “feel superior” to people who do not know as much as he does and as a result he
can offend them. The combination of being in a new national and educational environment
and seeing more of the world through YouTube videos has inspired Rafi to start spending
some time with friends in Malaysia:
Recently, I have started to interact with my friends a little, and it all seems very new to me because I
spend my entire life in front of a computer screen. I feel like I have missed out a lot on life because
seeing the same thing on a computer screen and going out there and experiencing it for myself are
totally different things.

He finds himself both inspired and “overwhelmed” by the knowledge that:
[…] so many people around the world [are] doing so many […] extraordinary things […] there is a
girl who can shuffle cards and play well at the same time, then there is a guy who can play the
guitar at blazing speeds, there are people who can solve Rubik’s cubes in less than nine seconds […]
Sometimes [I] get scared that everyone is doing something and the world is getting far ahead […]
and I am sitting here doing nothing.

YouTube use sometimes has a positive effect on Rafi’s academic work, particularly when
he needs to find basic information about topics and concepts in a new field, or is seeking
practical information about processes such as prototype building. He has found useful
videos on the MIT Open Courseware site (http://ocw.mit.edu), but the length of the videos
(about three hours each) is daunting, and he is unable to watch them “continuously”.

Downloaded by Western University At 13:28 10 September 2018 (PT)

On the other hand, once Rafi begins to watch a video on any topic, he finds it difficult to
resist clicking on a link to another video and can quickly move away from academic topics
to other types of content. Overall, he feels that YouTube research for information related
to his academic work is helpful about 20 per cent of the time, while the rest of the time
“is wasted on other videos”. He wonders, “If there was no YouTube, then maybe I would
learn the things in more detail and less time”.
Rafi is conscious of “fatigue” brought on by a combination of lack of sleep because he
often watches videos into the early morning and from using YouTube during rest periods.
Although he has not missed any deadlines, he now finds he has to “rush to finish my work
on time”. His ambiguity about the value to him of YouTube is linked to his awareness that
he is unable to limit or control his use of YouTube once he begins:
I cannot help it. It’s like I do some work and I want to drink a cup of coffee, and so I just want to
open a [YouTube] page and view it for five minutes but those five minutes turn into half or a full
hour. I just get sucked deeper into the things.

The enormity of YouTube and the amount of the new content that is uploaded every day
overwhelms Rafi, who wants to taste all that is offered: “We can choose to be selective, but it is
like consoling yourself”. His fear of missing out drives him to use YouTube, even though he
believes that “excess is not good” and “we have to be really strict with ourselves” to limit use.
Case study 3, functional user: Sam
The whole thing with this is, of course, self-regulatory.

Sam is a 34 year old part-time MBA student who was an early adopter of YouTube (2007).
He works in the IT industry. Although initially attracted to YouTube by its content,
Sam was surprised and delighted by its social or “communal” flavour as well, and leaves
comments on videos once or twice a year. He does not upload videos. After nearly ten years
of use, he continues to be attracted by videos about his many hobbies, which range from
unusual sports to video games to citizen band radio, and he treats YouTube as “another go
to tool for information”, along with Google and Wikipedia.
He connects to YouTube several times a day:
It’s not one sitting. I got a life. I got a job. I can’t sit and watch three hours of stuff in one go.

And his YouTube use follows a regular routine. Early in the morning:
[I] go to the little room of the house and watch [a sporting skills video] for at least 20 minutes.

On week days, he tunes in to YouTube during breaks from work:
Perhaps during […] tea breaks […] I squeeze in at least one [10 to 15 minute] video […] At lunch
time, at least another half an hour. Another pick me up 15 minute video when I am having coffee at
the cafeteria or canteen.

And most nights:
[…] a little bit at night and, of course, a few more videos right before I go to bed.

He has no trouble getting to sleep at night, even if he has been watching videos just
beforehand.
Although Sam estimates that he watches YouTube for about two hours a day, he is
probably connected for longer than this because he uses it as background in much the same
way that others might use a radio or television:
It’s not necessary to view [YouTube]. I just have it turned on and listen to the conversations and
what they are talking about.

Problematic
and extensive
YouTube use

OIR

He finds YouTube useful to “time shift” so he can tune in to broadcast programmes at
convenient times and to catch up with the day’s news, and he listens to YouTube when he is
driving (It’s just like talk radio):
Usually I leave the office somewhere around 7.00 or 7.30. By the time I actually get home, there is
dinner […] So the only way I catch up with my things is through YouTube or [podcasts].

Sam also finds YouTube useful for his studies, but this use is prompted by specific tasks
rather than the general, ongoing interest that prompts his everyday use:

Downloaded by Western University At 13:28 10 September 2018 (PT)

For instance, like yesterday’s assignment where [the professor] gave my group a topic called ethical
relativism. Of course, our research is a mix of everything and not from physical books but digital
version, whatever is available in our library database, websites, YouTube and Wikipedia.

Sam is conscious of the need to self-regulate YouTube use, in common with other aspects
of his life:
That’s the thing with me; everything is very regimental. The whole thing with this is, of course, selfregulatory […] I will be cutting short [when] I don’t feel I really have to see this […] I pretty much
practice limiting myself […] I know when to watch it and when not to.

For Sam, self-regulation includes selection of relatively short videos. Although he
occasionally watches programmes that are longer, his general rule is:
I can’t afford to get hooked on to stuff that [is] too long. If the shows are too long then I don’t bother.
My shows are maximum twenty minutes.

Sam also makes a clear distinction between his private self, who watches YouTube, and his
social self, who participates in face-to-face work and family life: “I am actually a very social
person”. Although he has unlimited mobile data and makes use of it to keep YouTube
running on his mobile phone when he is on his own, Sam does not use YouTube at the table,
when his family come to visit, or “around people”. He is comfortable pausing a video to
return to it later if he is invited to go out, and is not tempted to use YouTube when at work
or during lessons or group discussions: “I don’t have that itch”.
External social pressure also acts as a strong motivator to limit his YouTube use.
In addition to sharing a work space with his boss, there are family pressures:
Well my daughter’s only six months old. The thing with my wife is she is the serious type, so after
twelve I have to turn off everything. She can’t tolerate sounds, if the room is too noisy she has
problems sleeping.

Sam has not noticed any major changes in his life, positive or negative, that he would
attribute to YouTube, but does acknowledge:
I have become an information counter and people come to me asking questions.

Discussion and conclusion
This research was able to gather in-depth information about the experience and
consequences of extensive YouTube use from a group of university students. Users had
many positive experiences, including learning an instrument, locating information to
support academic tasks and increasing off-platform social engagement. On the other hand,
some users experienced negative effects, the most serious being deterioration of physical
and mental health, decline in academic performance and rupturing of relationships.
Consistent with research on other internet platforms (e.g. Andreassen et al., 2012; Chou and
Hsiao, 2000; Jia and Jia, 2009), it was possible to distinguish between functional
and problematic (compulsive or addicted) YouTube.

Downloaded by Western University At 13:28 10 September 2018 (PT)

Although the generic literature on university student social media use suggested
that greater levels of use would be associated with greater dysfunction (Al-Harrasi and
Al-Badi, 2014; Leung and Lee, 2012), our findings do not support such a conclusion. First, for
the users in this study, dysfunction is associated with the way the user interacts with
YouTube rather than extent of use per se. Extensive use does not necessarily result in harm
or significant disruption. Second, functional use is not necessarily without challenge and
dysfunctional use can have positive, as well as negative, outcomes. Thus, in terms of
well-being, Sam (a functional user) needs to be vigilant to prevent negative consequences in
his family life, while Rafi (a compulsive user) was able to describe some positive social
consequences. Academic consequences appear to depend on many factors other than just
functional or dysfunctional YouTube use: the compulsive users in this study are partly
driven by their search for knowledge, even though Rafi wonders if YouTube might be an
inefficient way to learn. We also did not gather clear evidence that the effects of YouTube
use on health were associated with time spent on the platform: only Rafi made reference to
his physical health, which he attributed to the increase in time spent on YouTube.
A distinctive difference between the functional and problematic users in this study is
ability (or inability) to regulate YouTube use. Although lack of self-regulation is a common
element of compulsive use of internet platforms (Ryan et al., 2014; Wohn and LaRose, 2014),
collection of YouTube use life stories has provided a deeper understanding of how users
exercise, or fail to exercise, control of the time and context of their use. Functional users use
specific techniques to limit use: Sam deliberately selects short videos and has defined times
when he accepts that use is not desirable. The compulsive and addicted users are hoping for
an external event or force (in Adam’s case, a complete ban on YouTube use in his country)
so that control over use could be attained. Rafi (compulsive) and Adam (addicted) are both
aware that they spend “too much” time on YouTube, but are unable to resist the temptation
to click on a link to another video that might bring new knowledge or entertainment.
For Rafi, this temptation is linked to his desire to know as much as possible and, perhaps,
to reinforce his sense of self-worth as a person who knows more than others.
Despite similar lack of self-regulation, compulsive YouTube use is substantially different
from YouTube addiction. Although Rafi continues to use YouTube compulsively, he has
been able to limit harm from usage, unlike Adam and the other users classified as addicted.
Although Rafi is aware of the negative effect of late night YouTube use on completion of his
academic tasks, he does not miss classes. He has even increased his participation in face-toface social activity in response to requests from his friends and armed with knowledge from
the internet. By contrast, YouTube appears to be the most important activity in Adam’s life.
He found himself almost forgetting the world when he was on YouTube, until it badly
affected his relationship with his girlfriend. Despite this incident, Adam still spends long
hours on YouTube, lack of physical inactivity has affected his body weight and eyesight,
and he has an irregular sleeping pattern. In addition to compulsive use, Adam, like the other
addicted users, displays several of the characteristics of addiction: YouTube dominates his
thinking (he is preoccupied with it), he gets a “high” from accessing the platform, he has low
self-esteem, and his use of YouTube has resulted in serious life consequences for him,
including declining health and loss of a relationship. These observations illustrate the
similarities between addicted YouTube use and similarly labelled problems in use of other
internet platforms (Balakrishnan and Shamim, 2013; Li et al., 2016).
U&G allows a deeper analysis of the different forms of YouTube usage examined here.
Although their YouTube use histories tell us that all the users were attracted to YouTube by
what they perceived to be unique content, the users differ in terms of their sense of agency.
The functional users are aware that YouTube is one of several media they can choose for
information and entertainment, and they exercise choice about both the YouTube content
they engage with and the times they access it. On the other hand, the problematic users

Problematic
and extensive
YouTube use

Downloaded by Western University At 13:28 10 September 2018 (PT)

OIR

appear to have been dazzled by YouTube’s content offering to the extent they do not see
YouTube as one of several media which might satisfy their needs. Their hope that an
external force will intervene to limit their YouTube use is a powerful expression of lack of
agency. Consideration of use context offers further insight. Context appears to play two
roles: for functional users, context defines appropriate use (such as on in the background
while at work, or in breaks while on campus), but problematic use seems to be defined
in part by inability to adapt to context (e.g. use during class or in preference to participation
in activities with family and friends). Nonetheless, compulsive use of YouTube appears to
differ substantively from compulsive use of other SNS, which is often believed to be
motivated by a desire to address problems such as loneliness (Ellison et al., 2010;
Sheldon et al., 2011). YouTube users can increase their level of connectedness to others by
sharing their identities and videos, but this type of connectedness on YouTube is driven
by shared interests (Lange, 2008) rather than a need to alleviate loneliness or address other
problems. Similarly, as our results show, YouTube compulsion is driven by content, or more
specifically, by perceived content opportunity. The social network contribution to
compulsive use of YouTube can be passive, even distant and opaque from the user: the links
that appear to the right of the video currently showing, and the video that begins
automatically a few seconds after one video ends, reflect shared interests across the network
of YouTube videos in the current, recently viewed and linked videos. Information about the
name of the user who uploaded a linked need not contribute to the motivation to click to
view a new video; from the user’s point of view, the connected content appears to count more
than a sense of connectedness to other people.
Limitations
In common with other qualitative studies, several decisions made about the methods used in
this study, although suited to the purpose of this paper, impose limitations on the extent to
which the results can be generalized. Because we sought life stories from students whose
use of YouTube was potentially in conflict with their role as learners and, in the case of
addicted users in particular, might otherwise have been difficult to identify or who were
unlikely to respond to a questionnaire survey, we used a purposive sampling technique
(Merriam and Tisdell, 2015). While this technique allowed us to meet the purpose of our
research, the sample size of nine is small and caution should be used in generalizing from
our results: the proportion of compulsive and YouTube users in the population is likely to be
much lower than in our study (Balakrishnan and Griffiths, 2017); the data also contain no
information to support inferences about similarities by gender, nationality, degree or work
status; each YouTube user is likely to have their own story to tell about their experience of
YouTube use, so the specific aspects of use illustrated here are specific to the person whose
YouTube life story has been told.
In addition, we chose to use qualitative coding to classify users by use category
(functional, compulsive, addicted). Although a number of scales exist to measure
problematic, compulsive and addicted use, we decided not to use a metric scale for this
study, both because it was necessary to quickly establish a relationship with participants
that encouraged open conversation about highly personal matters (Punch, 2014), and
because we preferred to permit a classification of use to emerge from the specific focus on
extensive users taken in this study (Miles et al., 2013). The symptoms of compulsive
YouTube use and YouTube addiction described by our interviewees were consistent with
definitions of compulsive and addictive behaviours, so we are confident that we identified
suitable informants for our study; nonetheless, it would be useful to test that the case-based
classification that emerged from this study could be confirmed with a metric scale such as
the Social Media Disorder scale (van den Eijnden et al., 2016). Future interview-based studies
could do this by administering a metric scale after the interview.

Downloaded by Western University At 13:28 10 September 2018 (PT)

Implications for practice
Although YouTube is a social media platform that furnishes many advantages, individual
users need to manage usage so that it does not affect them negatively. Awareness
of the pitfalls of extensive YouTube use, along with development of techniques for
self-management, should provide sufficient insight for many extensive users to avoid
negative consequences. Compulsive users are likely to need more assistance, as they learn
to identify the stimuli and the symptoms of their compulsion as well as techniques to
bring it under control. Information on the need for, nature of and methods for
self-management of YouTube use would be a welcome addition to internet user education
courses and materials. Although likely to be rare, addictive use of YouTube appears
to be a real phenomenon associated with negative thoughts about oneself as well as
substantial, negative life consequences; clinical identification and treatment of this
condition is warranted.
For compulsive and addicted users, time spent using YouTube is associated with
compulsion to click on a link to another video, and another, and so on. A cascade of
compulsive YouTube use might begin with a video required for work or study, but it can
quickly become experiential and undirected as linked content becomes less relevant to the
original video. Any intervention to regulate this kind of problematic YouTube use would
need to break the link between the stimulus – the link to another video – and the behaviour
of clicking on the link, rather than simply address the amount of time spent on the internet
or YouTube.
Implications for research
This study has added value to the research on YouTube use by adopting U&G theory
more faithfully than previous studies (Littlejohn et al., 2016). Studying use in its historical
context has enabled a deeper understanding of the basis of current motivations
(gratifications) for use. Attention to the wider use context identified the role of user (in)
attention to context and provided some support for the environmental approach to
internet use studies of Chiang and Hsiao (2015). Increased focus on agency in this context
has also provided a deeper understanding of regulatory mechanisms associated with both
compulsion and addiction.
Methodologically, using life histories permitted exploration of historical use motivations,
the role of use context, and exercise of agency in ways that are not possible in quantitative
studies. This method also provided users with a safe environment in which to tell
profoundly personal stories. Future studies of extensive YouTube use, and use of other
platforms should consider adopting this approach.
Empirically, this study has highlighted that agency is of particular importance for
distinguishing functional from problematic YouTube use. Extensive use is not necessarily
dysfunctional or problematic. Users who understand and can use their agency to make
reasoned choices about YouTube use are also able to exercise control, while others
relinquish their agency and control to the medium, resulting in compulsive, and in extreme
cases, addicted use.
Because little is known about YouTube use relative to more studied SNS such as
Facebook, there are many opportunities for further research. Larger studies in different
populations (not just students) and different countries will shed further light on the issues
raised here. It would be helpful to know more about the nature of compulsive YouTube use.
What actions are automatic? How do compulsive users “select” the next video to watch?
What approaches to self-regulation of compulsive YouTube use can be developed? Is use of
other content-driven internet services challenged by similar compulsions and symptoms
of addiction?

Problematic
and extensive
YouTube use

OIR

References
Al-Harrasi, A.S. and Al-Badi, A.H. (2014), “The impact of social networking: a study of the influence of
smartphones on college students”, Contemporary Issues in Education Research, Vol. 7 No. 2,
pp. 129-135.
Andreassen, C.S., Torsheim, T., Brunborg, G.S. and Pallesen, S. (2012), “Development of a Facebook
addiction scale”, Psychological Reports, Vol. 110 No. 2, pp. 501-517.
Andreassen, C.S., Griffiths, M.D., Sinha, R., Hetland, J. and Pallesen, S. (2016), “The relationship
between addictive use of social media and video games and symptoms of psychiatric
disorders: a large-scale cross-sectional study”, Psychology of Addictive Behaviors, Vol. 30 No. 2,
pp. 252-262.

Downloaded by Western University At 13:28 10 September 2018 (PT)

Balakrishnan, J. and Griffiths, M.D. (2017), “Social media addiction: what is the role of content in
YouTube?”, Journal of Behavioral Addictions, Vol. 6 No. 3, pp. 364-377.
Balakrishnan, V. and Shamim, A. (2013), “Malaysian Facebookers: motives and addictive behaviours
unraveled”, Computers in Human Behavior, Vol. 29 No. 4, pp. 1342-1349.
Blumler, J.G. and Katz, E. (1974), The Uses of Mass Communications: Current Perspectives on
Gratifications Research, Sage, Beverly Hills, CA.
Caplan, S.E. (2010), “Theory and measurement of generalized problematic internet use: a two-step
approach”, Computers in Human Behavior, Vol. 26 No. 5, pp. 1089-1097.
Chiang, H.-S. and Hsiao, K.-L. (2015), “YouTube stickiness: the needs, personal, and environmental
perspective”, Internet Research, Vol. 25 No. 1, pp. 85-106.
Chou, C. and Hsiao, M.-C. (2000), “Internet addiction, usage, gratification, and pleasure experience:
the Taiwan college students’ case”, Computers & Education, Vol. 35 No. 1, pp. 65-80.
Ellison, N., Lampe, C. and Steinfield, C. (2010), “With a little help from my friends: how social network
sites affect social capital processes”, in Papacharissi, Z. (Ed.), The Networked Self: Identity,
Community, and Culture on Social Network Sites, Routledge, New York, NY, pp. 124-145.
Fuchs, C. (2017), Social Media: A Critical Introduction, 2nd ed., Sage, Los Angeles, CA.
Griffiths, M.D. (2005), “A ‘components’ model of addiction within a biopsychosocial framework”,
Journal of Substance Abuse, Vol. 10 No. 4, pp. 191-197.
Hsiao, K. (2017), “Compulsive mobile application usage and technostress: the role of personality traits”,
Online Information Review, Vol. 41 No. 2, pp. 272-295.
Hwong, Y.-L., Oliver, C., Kranendonk, M.V., Sammut, C. and YanirSerouss, Y. (2017), “What makes you
tick? The psychology of social media engagement in space science communication”, Computers
in Human Behavior, Vol. 68, pp. 480-492.
Jenkins, H. and Carpentier, N. (2013), “Theorizing participator intensities: a conversation about
participation and politics”, Convergence, Vol. 19 No. 3, pp. 265-286.
Jia, R. and Jia, H.H. (2009), “Factorial validity of problematic internet use scales”, Computers in Human
Behavior, Vol. 25 No. 6, pp. 1335-1342.
Kaplan, A.M. and Haenlein, M. (2010), “Users of the world, unite! The challenges and opportunities of
social media”, Business Horizons, Vol. 53 No. 1, pp. 59-68.
Khan, M.L. (2017), “Social media engagement: what motivates user participation and consumption on
YouTube?”, Computers in Human Behavior, Vol. 66, pp. 236-247.
Kim, H.-K. and Davis, K.E. (2009), “Toward a comprehensive theory of problematic internet use:
evaluating the role of self-esteem, anxiety, flow, and the self-rated importance of internet
activities”, Computers in Human Behavior, Vol. 25 No. 2, pp. 490-500.
Klobas, J.E., McGill, T.G., Moghavvemi, S. and Paramanathan, T. (2018), “Compulsive YouTube usage:
a comparison of use motivation and personality effects”, Computers in Human Behavior, Vol. 87,
pp. 129-139.

Kuss, D.J. and Griffiths, M.D. (2011), “Online social networking and addiction: a review of the
psychological literature”, International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health,
Vol. 8 No. 9, pp. 3528-3552.
Laconi, S., Rodgers, R.F. and Chabrol, H. (2014), “The measurement of internet addiction: a critical
review of existing scales and their psychometric properties”, Computers in Human Behavior,
Vol. 41, pp. 190-202.
Lange, P.G. (2008), “Publicly private and privately public: social networking on YouTube”, Journal of
Computer-Mediated Communication, Vol. 13 No. 1, pp. 361-380.

Downloaded by Western University At 13:28 10 September 2018 (PT)

Lee, C.S., Osop, H., Goh, D.H.L. and Kelni, G. (2017), “Making sense of comments on YouTube
educational videos: a self-directed learning perspective”, Online Information Review, Vol. 41
No. 5, pp. 611-625.
Leung, L. and Lee, P.S.N. (2012), “Impact of internet literacy, internet addiction symptoms, and
internet activities on academic performance”, Social Science Computer Review, Vol. 30 No. 4,
pp. 403-418.
Li, W., O’Brien, J.E., Snyder, S.M. and Howard, M.O. (2016), “Diagnostic criteria for problematic internet
use among U.S. university students: a mixed-methods evaluation”, PLoS ONE, Vol. 11 No. 1,
p. e0145981.
Littlejohn, S.W., Foss, K.A. and Oetzel, J.G. (2016), Theories of Human Communication, 11th ed.,
Waveland Press, Long Grove, IL.
McQuail, D. (1986), “Is media theory adequate to the challenge of new communications technologies”,
in Ferguson, M. (Ed.), New Communication Technologies and the Public Interest, Sage, Beverly Hills,
CA, pp. 1-17.
Merriam, S.B. and Tisdell, E.J. (2015), Qualitative Research: A Guide to Design and Implementation,
John Wiley & Sons, San Francisco, CA.
Miles, M.B., Huberman, A.M. and Saldana, J. (2013), Qualitative Data Analysis: A Methods Sourcebook,
3rd ed., Sage, Thousand Oaks, CA.
Minichiello, V., Rosalie, A. and Terrence, H. (2008), In-depth Interviewing: Principles, Techniques,
Analysis, Frenchs Forest, Pearson Education Australia, New South Wales.
Punch, K.F. (2014), Introduction to Social Research: Quantitative and Qualitative Approaches,
3rd ed., Sage, London.
Rosenthal, S. (2018), “Motivations to seek science videos on YouTube: free-choice learning in a
connected society”, International Journal of Science Education, Part B, Vol. 8 No. 1, pp. 22-39.
Ryan, T., Chester, A., Reece, J. and Xenos, S. (2014), “The uses and abuses of Facebook: a review of
Facebook addiction”, Journal of Behavioral Addictions, Vol. 3 No. 3, pp. 133-148.
Sanchez-Franco, M.J. and Rodriguez-Bobada Rey, J. (2004), “Personal factors affecting users’ web
session lengths”, Internet Research, Vol. 14 No. 1, pp. 62-80.
Schneider, F.M., Weinmann, C., Roth, F.S., Knop, K. and Vorderer, P. (2016), “Learning from
entertaining online video clips? Enjoyment and appreciation and their differential relationships
with knowledge and behavioral intentions”, Computers in Human Behavior, Vol. 54, pp. 475-482.
Sheldon, K.M., Abad, N. and Hinsch, C. (2011), “A two-process view of Facebook use and relatedness
need-satisfaction: disconnection drives use, and connection rewards it”, Journal of Personality
and Social Psychology, Vol. 100 No. 4, pp. 766-775.
Statista (2017), “The statistics portal”, available at: www.statista.com (accessed 10 January 2018).
van den Eijnden, R.J.J.M., Lemmens, J.S. and Valkenburg, P.M. (2016), “The social media disorder
scale”, Computers in Human Behavior, Vol. 61, pp. 478-487.
Wang, R., Kim, J., Xia, A. and Jung, Y.J. (2017), “Networked narratives on Humans of New York: a
content analysis of social media engagement on Facebook”, Computers in Human Behavior,
Vol. 66, pp. 149-153.

Problematic
and extensive
YouTube use

OIR

Weinstein, A., Feder, L.C., Rosenberg, K.P. and Dannon, P. (2014), “Internet addiction disorder: overview
and controversies”, in Rosenberg, K.P. and Curtiss Feder, L. (Eds), Behavioral Addictions: Criteria,
Evidence and Treatment, Academic Press, San Diego, CA, pp. 99-117.
Wohn, D.Y. and LaRose, R. (2014), “Effects of loneliness and differential usage of Facebook on college
adjustment of first-year students”, Computers & Education, Vol. 76, pp. 158-167.
Young, K.S. (1998), “Internet addiction: the emergence of a new clinical disorder”, CyberPsychology &
Behavior, Vol. 1 No. 3, pp. 237-244.
YouTube (2017), “YouTube for press”, available at: www.youtube.com/yt/about/press/ (accessed
18 January 2018).

Downloaded by Western University At 13:28 10 September 2018 (PT)

Corresponding author
Sedigheh Moghavvemi can be contacted at: moghavvemi_2006@yahoo.com

For instructions on how to order reprints of this article, please visit our website:
www.emeraldgrouppublishing.com/licensing/reprints.htm
Or contact us for further details: permissions@emeraldinsight.com